The army might have uprooted many militant groups operating from Pakistani soil, but it has not deterred terror outfits from regrouping and striking back, writes Shahid Husain
The attack on Lahore's Jinnah Hospital on May 31 by the militants in an attempt to free their wounded fellow Moaz alias Amir Moavia, who was being treated there, amply demonstrates that malignant aggression has penetrated deep in Pakistan society. Moavia was injured during a recent attack on two worship places of the Ahmadis. The Ahmadis are considered religious outcasts of sorts by almost all the Muslim religious factions, though the Pakistan Constitution asserts they are equal citizens.
One of the Pakistan’s top defence analysts, Dr. Hasan Askari Rizvi, explains the phenomenon and thinking behind the attacks in a conversation with TSI, “The attack on Ahmadis puts forth two things: First, it was a soft target that the militants used to assert their ability to challenge the Pakistan state and the provincial government; secondly, it also relates to the extremely negative sentiments the orthodox Muslims have about the Ahmadis,” He adds, “The militants must have thought that the people would sympathise with their action, which was actually the case.”
A large number of fundamentalist groups have cropped up in the impoverished Pakistan since 2001. Links between many of these new and existing groups have strengthened, say experts, giving rise to fresh concerns for stability. Successful army operations against the militants in Swat and South Waziristan under the leadership of General Ashfaq Pervaiz Kayani have forced militants to re-group themselves and co-ordinate with each other in more ways than one— be it in terms of logistics or collection of funds. Leadership elements of al-Qaeda and the Afghan Taliban, along with other terrorist groups, have made Pakistan's tribal areas their home and now work closely with a wide variety of Pakistani militant groups. They find many sympathisers amongst the educated middle and upper middle class.
Hassan Abbas, a fellow at the Asia Society, writes that Punjabi Taliban network is a loose conglomeration of members of banned militant groups of Punjabi origin that have developed strong connections with the Pakistani Taliban, Afghan Taliban, and other militant groups based in FATA and the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP). The Punjabi Taliban provide logistical support for attacks on cities in Punjab province and include individuals or factions of groups such as Jaish-e-Mohammed, Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan, and Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and their various splinter groups, along with small cells unaffiliated with any large group. The Punjabi Taliban are distinct from the traditional Pashtun Taliban, experts say. They are usually more educated and more technologically savvy.
Since there is also greater coordination between all these groups, say experts, lines have blurred regarding which category a militant group fits in. For instance, the Pakistani Taliban, which were committed to fighting against the Pakistani state, are now increasingly joining insurgents fighting U.S. and international troops across the border in Afghanistan. U.S. Central Command Chief General David H. Petraeus, in a CFR interview, says the groups have long shared a symbiotic relationship. “They support each other, they coordinate with each other, sometimes they compete with each other, [and] sometimes they even fight each other.”
The attack on Lahore's Jinnah Hospital on May 31 by the militants in an attempt to free their wounded fellow Moaz alias Amir Moavia, who was being treated there, amply demonstrates that malignant aggression has penetrated deep in Pakistan society. Moavia was injured during a recent attack on two worship places of the Ahmadis. The Ahmadis are considered religious outcasts of sorts by almost all the Muslim religious factions, though the Pakistan Constitution asserts they are equal citizens.
One of the Pakistan’s top defence analysts, Dr. Hasan Askari Rizvi, explains the phenomenon and thinking behind the attacks in a conversation with TSI, “The attack on Ahmadis puts forth two things: First, it was a soft target that the militants used to assert their ability to challenge the Pakistan state and the provincial government; secondly, it also relates to the extremely negative sentiments the orthodox Muslims have about the Ahmadis,” He adds, “The militants must have thought that the people would sympathise with their action, which was actually the case.”
A large number of fundamentalist groups have cropped up in the impoverished Pakistan since 2001. Links between many of these new and existing groups have strengthened, say experts, giving rise to fresh concerns for stability. Successful army operations against the militants in Swat and South Waziristan under the leadership of General Ashfaq Pervaiz Kayani have forced militants to re-group themselves and co-ordinate with each other in more ways than one— be it in terms of logistics or collection of funds. Leadership elements of al-Qaeda and the Afghan Taliban, along with other terrorist groups, have made Pakistan's tribal areas their home and now work closely with a wide variety of Pakistani militant groups. They find many sympathisers amongst the educated middle and upper middle class.
Hassan Abbas, a fellow at the Asia Society, writes that Punjabi Taliban network is a loose conglomeration of members of banned militant groups of Punjabi origin that have developed strong connections with the Pakistani Taliban, Afghan Taliban, and other militant groups based in FATA and the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP). The Punjabi Taliban provide logistical support for attacks on cities in Punjab province and include individuals or factions of groups such as Jaish-e-Mohammed, Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan, and Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and their various splinter groups, along with small cells unaffiliated with any large group. The Punjabi Taliban are distinct from the traditional Pashtun Taliban, experts say. They are usually more educated and more technologically savvy.
Since there is also greater coordination between all these groups, say experts, lines have blurred regarding which category a militant group fits in. For instance, the Pakistani Taliban, which were committed to fighting against the Pakistani state, are now increasingly joining insurgents fighting U.S. and international troops across the border in Afghanistan. U.S. Central Command Chief General David H. Petraeus, in a CFR interview, says the groups have long shared a symbiotic relationship. “They support each other, they coordinate with each other, sometimes they compete with each other, [and] sometimes they even fight each other.”
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