Friday, November 27, 2009

From pro-power to pro-poor

It is perceived that IMF is changing ideology to be more pro-poor...

International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) diminishing influence and funding notwithstanding, has been given a new and exciting opportunity by G-20 nations of rebuilding the emerging economies which are tattering under the shackles of recession. $750 billion will be pumped into IMF’s kitty to try and do that. The new Managing Director of IMF, Dominique Strauss Kahn is trying his best to restore its old glory by shifting its ideology that can satisfy even its hardest critic. It has certainly done so with Joseph Stighitz, a Nobel Laureate who had a long time antipathy for IMF’s policies, thus declaring the new polices as ‘welcome’ in Wall Street Journal. The criticism was particularly sharp for inveterate IMF’s policies of imposing conditions against granting loans. So much so, that it often used to instruct governments to cut-back on public spending as a pre-requisite for granting loans. This kind of dealings with fragile Third World economies has often proved to be its nemesis. East Asian crisis and Argentine collapse are the examples of IMF’s flawed policies based out of the US and Western Europe’s dictates.

The IMF’s present condition is rooted to its genesis since its inception in 1945 at Betton Woods Conference. Its main function then was to oversee the orderly balance of payment between countries, since there were fixed exchange rates at that time. But when Richard Nixon stopped dollars convertibility to gold, IMF’s role became less pertinent. However in 1980s the IMF found a new role for itself as a crisis-lending institution for developing countries. During this time IMF was also seen as a protagonist for US led free-market economy being imposed on frail under developed countries. However, the “Washington Consensus” as it was called, is under fire – because its prescriptive has crippled many economies causing major social and economic distress. The recession has cut the deepest among developing with IMF predicting that another 85 million people will further loose their jobs world wide in 2009.

Civil society organisations are concerned about developed countries’ lack of empathy towards their poor cousins who are languishing in miseries and have called for immediate increased aid and debt relief. There is no doubt that IMF is changing, as is acknowledged by Gordon Brown, Prime Minister of the UK, when he stated “Laissez-faire has had its day”. Lately, IMF has advocated deficit spending and monetary easing. Although it is true that IMF has disposed of laissez-faire ideology, it is not clear what kind of economic policy will it espouse? It was Keynesian world when IMF came into being, with fixed exchange rates and fiscal intervention. After this system subsided in 1970s, IMF embraced free market philosophy, and now a leftist idea has brought them back to Keynesianism. After 65 years of ups and downs, probably the time has come for the body to withdraw from its undemocratic, doctrine oriented body to a more accommodating financial organisation that will be beneficial to the majority of the world.
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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



Wednesday, November 25, 2009

Telecom Tellall

This high stakes game continues to fill the coffers of corrupt private players, even as the government loses millions.

Surbhi Chawla on the sector’s ugly past and present

Wireless telephony reached Indian shores in 1995 – the year Spectrum was allocated to private players for the first time. From those early days itself this sector has been plagued by controversies. Every minister who took charge of the telecom ministry found himself in the spotlight for all the wrong reasons. The unfortunate trend was started by Sukh Ram – the first telecom minister to take charge after the sector was liberalised. In 1996 when the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) raided his house, the sleuths had found crores of rupees stashed away in – of all places – his prayer room. The investigations that followed the seizure revealed that the minister had made this illgotten fortune from private players keen to hop onto the telecom bandwagon. The immense potential of the segment had the minister taking huge advantage.

It was in 2002 – during the NDA regime – that Reliance Infocom (now renamed Reliance Communications) and Tata Teleservices began introducing the CDMA technology in the country to replace GSM, which was all we had at the time. Back then the late Pramod Mahajan, who was telecom minister in that government, was alleged to have favoured big corporates by giving them Spectrum at a relatively low cost. Mahajan subsequently drew heavy flak in Parliament, where some among the Opposition had gone to the extent of branding him as the Reliance man in the NDA government.

Dayanidhi Maran was the next to be asked to vacate, though his own case was rather different from the others. For though Maran was M Karunanidhi’s poster boy, his brother Kalandhi, who headed the SUN TV network, was unacceptable to many.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Friday, November 20, 2009

The whole nine green yards

A weaver in Anakaputhur near Chennai makes sarees out of alternate natural fibers.

Finding Shekhar’s house cum factory in Anakaputhur is not difficult. Just a query about this “maker of sarees from banana fiber” is enough to get us specific directions, right down to the last turn. Tucked behind a few shops lies his dilapidated rented one-room factory-house and the only way to reach it is a narrow pathway with an open sewer running along. When we entered the asbestos-roofed room, Shekhar, the unconventional saree weaver was swinging cotton threads in a hand charkha.

Shekhar uses banana, jute, pineapple, flax, aloe vera, bamboo, reed grass etc to make sarees. “These raw materials are put in water and finally the fiber is extracted. This is a time consuming job when compared to normal weaving process. The recovered grass is made into yarn and dyed before making it run in the handlooms. Normally we mix silk and cotton along with the natural fibers,” he explains. Shekhar started making use of non-conventional fibers three years ago, even employing 24 fibers in a single saree. He used banana fibers widely. Recently he turned to aloe vera. The price ranges in the Rs 650-4500 bracket and varies as per the percentage of silk used.

Admiring some of his banana and aloe vera fiber creations, one realised they looked quite like ordinary silk sarees in beautiful colour combinations, though they weigh much lighter. In the last two years, he has sold two thousand banana sarees and 600 aloe vera sarees…

VIP patrons of his art include First Lady Pratibha Patil, and Kanimozhi, MP and daughter of Tamil Nadu Chief Minister. “A saree has also been presented to Sonia madam, but I don’t know if she wears it,” adds Shekhar.

But, why the choice of these unconventional fibers?

Anakaputhur has been the hub of traditional handloom weavers, but like most other cottage industries, they lost their business to mechanisation. “Earlier, three thousand handlooms were running, but now just over three hundred remain. Many of our folks have opted for daily wages in construction jobs…

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Wednesday, November 18, 2009

Poles apart in Modi land

Secularists and human rights activists are outraged

The decision of the Narendra Modi government to appoint a commission of inquiry to study the migration and polarisation of population on religious basis hasn’t gone down well with Gujarat’s human rights activists. They believe that Modi is preparing his communal agenda for the 2012 assembly elections.

The commission has been set up to study the changes in the demographic profile of the state since 1947. It will also identify the reasons behind the polarisation and migration of populations belonging to different religions. The deadline set for the commission is January 2011. It has also been asked to recommend policy guidelines for “stopping polarisation of the population” on religious grounds.

Father Cedric Prakash, director of the Ahmedabad-based NGO Prashant, says, “This so-called commission is bound to target the minorities and aggravate the fears that already exist among these groups.” Mukul Sinha, senior advocate and president of Jan Sangharsh Manch, has reacted sharply to the move. He says: “They have created this polarisation and now they want to discuss the issue. If the state government is concerned about the minorities, then it must provide basic civic amenities to the residents of Juhapura, which has the largest concentration of Muslims in Gujarat.”

The commission will be headed by a retired judge of the Gujarat High Court, BJ Sethna, who, during his tenure, was involved in several controversies. Sinha has demanded that “this appointment be terminated immediately”.

Some years ago, Sethna was involved in a tiff with a fellow judge. The matter went up to the SC, which rescinded his transfer to the Sikkim HC. Instead of obeying the SC’s order, Sethna preferred to resign.

While serving as a judge of the Gujarat High Court, he had hit the headlines in January 2004. A two-judge bench headed by him upheld the verdict of the Vadodara fast-track court acquitting all the 21 accused in the infamous Best Bakery mass murder case of 2002 but the S C rejected his judgment and ordered a fresh trial by a special court in Mumbai and the accused were finally punished.

Earlier in 1999, the Gujarat Government had initiated a survey of Muslims and Christians of the state. This was challenged in the Gujarat HC and Justice MR Calla maintained that “once this country has adopted the Constitution, we have to abide by the same, which is the fountain source of law. If any survey or census is to be made or any information is sought to be gathered with regard to the criminal activities or for other allied purposes, may be as a part of routine exercise, cannot be based on a communal footing.” Realising that the move was against the Constitution, the then Gujarat Government withdrew the survey.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Tuesday, November 17, 2009

Naxal-hit states

In practice, the scenario looks mixed and not one which is likely to inspire confidence in a potential ultra contemplating a comeback. While Devi has not got a farthing by way of state assistance, Malik got immediate relief and Rs 3,000 stipend for 48 months, but no promised ‘seed’ money which could help him launch into something of an alternative career. Malik is, nonetheless, better placed than some of the others but that is because of his high ranking in the Maoist hierarchy. Lesser known figures who took the government’s offer at face value, are trying hard to organise their own protection and lead a normal existence.

Says Malik: “Whenever I come back from meetings dejected, my wife curses the day she compelled me to surrender. The government is not serious about rehabilitation. If it were, not so many of my comrades would be left high and dry. They were better off in the bushes.’’ In the case of unlettered Devi, nothing has worked; no corpus money. Her daughter works as a farm hand. The modus operandi of the government has in most cases defied explanation. The accused is first declared a proclaimed offender and offered amnesty. When they accept the offer, they are dropped off the list of offenders itself, making any entitlements for them under the rehabilitation plan redundant.

The story of Sadhu Sharan Laldev, a sub-zonal commander of the MCC and one whose head carried a Rs 25,000 reward, is particularly poignant. He surrendered on July 31, 2003 and wanted to start a ration shop with the corpus money that never came. He picked up employment with the Sonalika Tractor agency in Muzzafarpur and was just beginning to breathe easy when he was named in a case of arm snatching. He forked out Rs 45,000 to rustle up bail and there is still no sign of the promises made by the government. When Laldev went back to Sonalika Tractors, they just threw up their hands: once a Naxalite, always a Naxalite. Admits Laldev: “I am sorry that I ever surrendered. I am hiding as the promised police protection has not materialised. ‘’

Their parent cadre, MCC, worried at its depleting numbers, is aware of the new status of its former comrades and is not above calling them back. Points out another surrendered Naxalite, Mohammed Noor: “I have been ditched. I will go back to the MCC at the first chance I get.’’ In the Maoist-affected areas, posters exhorting ex-party members back into the party fold have sprung up. That may not be good news for the rehabilitation programme. Says chief of the Special Task Force (STF) to counter Maoists, SK Bhardwaj: “We cannot leave the work of monitoring to police stations. We have found people who have surrendered officially, but still keep in touch with their former colleagues.’’ (see interview)

The task of monitoring itself is not easy in Bihar where 31 out of 40 districts have been officially declared naxal-hit. Even if the establishment takes up the rehabilitation programme in right earnest, it has hell of a job at hand.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Monday, November 16, 2009

Once a Naxalite, always a Naxalite

Bihar’s notorious Maoists who surrendered to enter the mainstream, now find it may have been a better idea to stay underground. Rajan Prakash reports

In Bihar’s Darbhanga district, Buchia Devi sits amidst the ruins, her thinking warped with fury and frustration. If she sees an approaching car, which is quite rare in her Shivram village, she takes it as the visible presence of an evil establishment trying to hound her. Not that her paranoia is unjustified.

A mother of four in her late thirties, Devi returned after an 18-month stint inside a dirty rotten prison in 2003 on charges of being a Naxalite. She was never an operational Maoist commander who pulls the trigger, but belonged to a gang of markers whose job was to put together the subterfuge in place: help carry messages, arrange shelter for comrades on the run, organise meals and the like. As successive district administrations in Darbhanga realised, she was quite a handful. Her darting and daring runs had given them enough sleepless nights and when she decided to give herself up under the amnesty offered by the Bihar government between 2002-2008, they were relieved.

When she surrendered, the police recovered Maoist literature and unused explosives from her house. Incredibly, her husband Kamal Manjhi, a daily wager, did not know about his wife’s activities until the police arrived at his tenement.

In the same district, another facet of this charade called the Naxalite rehabilitation programme comes to light. The zonal commander of the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) in charge of operations in north Bihar — Muzaffarpur, Darbhanga, Samastipur and Sitamarhi — is Himanshu Shekhar, known to the police by his nom de guerre, Prakash Malik. An outstanding student, Malik gave up his studies to go underground, marshaling troops and operational commanders against injustices.

As long as Malik was active, his exploits in pursuit of his ‘revolutionary’ activities were regarded legendary. Being a great narrator, visualiser and an activist, he could inspire young men and women to join the cause. Then one fine day, Malik too decided to throw in the towel. Tired of being consistently on the run and a little disillusioned with the cause he represented, he too fell for the general amnesty. All quite innocently. Devi and Malik represent two faces of why despite mouthing clichés, there is little or no attempt to get back those Naxalites aspiring to return to the mainstream. Chief ministers from Naxal-hit states routinely talk of ‘winning the hearts and minds’, but there is very little evidence of that on the ground. There is enough evidence to suggest that those ultras who gave up their arms in an effort to lead a regular life, have been left to fend for themselves — enemy of a society they once hounded, pariah for the police force which left them in the lurch in the name of rehabilitation and a traitor to their political cause.

The story is more or less similar for 351 such people who gave up their arms under the scheme promised by the government. Under this package, those giving up arms would be entitled to a relief of Rs 10,000; Rs one lakh as loan and a Rs 3,000 stipend until such time that the rehabilitation process was complete. Besides, the government promised protection.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



Friday, November 13, 2009

Out of veil, in the office!

Saudi women are all set to flood the corporate world soon...

Discrimination against woman in a theocratic nation state is not a new phenomenon. And Saudi Arabia is not an exception. Saudi women still remain underprivileged, oppressed and discriminated. But things are changing in the country, as after long criticism and attack, initiatives are being taken by interest groups, non-governmental organisations and most importantly Government to improve the status of women. The changes can easily be felt.

Firstly, Saudi Arabia has had a long tradition of large family-owned business. There are over 460 large business houses having significant asset value in the country. Interestingly, most of them are controlled by women- a trend which is forcing companies to engage more women into the workplace. Researches show that there are 20,000 firms which account for around five per cent of all registered businesses today in Saudi Arabia, controlled or owned by businesswomen. Interestingly, membership of women in local commerce chambers is on the rise. For example, Jeddah Chamber has 2,000 women members out of a total of 50,000. The same can be seen in Riyadh where there are 2,400 women members out of 35,000 — showing a fourfold increase in just ten years. Business-women in the Eastern Province chamber has increased to 1,000 (out of 14,000). This gradual emergence of Saudi businesswomen forced the Government to revise its years-old labour laws and business proceedings and include women too. Many chambers also came out with centres to facilitate women. Jeddah Chamber of Commerce established Khadija Bint Khwailid Centre to guide and facilitate Saudi businesswomen.

Women account for 55 per cent of Saudi graduates; while surprisingly, they constitute only 4.8 per cent of the workforce. Strangely, merely 5.5 per cent of the estimated 4.7 million women of working age are employed. However, Saudi Government is not sitting idly. It has allocated lands for industrial projects to employ women. It has planned to establish industrial training institute for women in Jeddah. It has formed a national human rights commission to protect and promote the rights of women. One of the significant achievements has been women’s participation in the National Dialogue. In the 3rd National Dialogue where 70 male and female researchers gathered — the meeting for the first time in history lifted the taboo that existed between male and female in public discussions. Moreover, King Abdullah assigned his daughter, Princess Adelah to spearhead initiatives to engage and encourage Saudi women in workplace, schools and hospitals. Women’s participation in education clubbed with the revolution of the internet has helped them to unite and share their thoughts.

All in all, progress is witnessed both in terms of taking initiatives as well as engaging women into workplace but there is still lot to be done. It’s just a matter of time when women enjoys the same status as men in Saudi Arabia without discrimination, tyranny and oppression.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Wednesday, November 11, 2009

Best of both worlds

MotoGP legend as well as V8 Supercar and Japanese GT Sports car star, Wayne Gardner has certainly known the best of both worlds, but doesn’t shy from taking sides…

Generically speaking, cars are faster, and safer. Where do you think bikes score over the four wheeled counterparts?

Generally speaking, cars are safer because you're driving in a steel shell, but most bikes are much faster and more nimble, and they give you a complete feeling of freedom – bikes win hands down for fun. For safety, cars are definitely the winner, but the flirt with danger and exposure to the elements on a bike can't be beaten!

They say bikes are the cruising envy of drivers. Cars, especially SUVs or large vehicles, mention ‘space’ as a selling point to give them “the illusion of the freedom to cruise.” Your comments...

I don't believe you'll ever replicate the feeling of a motorcycle in a car because you're still within a controlled environment. However, if cruising to you means sitting back in a lounge chair and relaxing, then I guess a large vehicle can provide a 'cruisy' ride for some – those that have never ridden a motorcycle that is. The closest you can come to a motorcycle in a car – and it's still a long way off – is in a fast convertible, at least you can feel the wind in your face.

How does bike racing compare with car racing?

Nothing could ever replace the excitement of motorcycle racing for me. However, I took up car racing because my competitive nature needed another challenge as a form of weaning myself off motorcycle racing. I moved to cars purely from a safety point of view – as I got older, my self-preservation mechanism kicked in! Car racing is extremely competitive and unlike motorcycle racing, the performance of the car is a lot more important than driver ability. For me, it was a huge challenge and a learning opportunity to understand car set-up and performance. What did surprise me was the corner speed of cars as opposed to motorcycles – the breaking points were so much later and higher, which took some adjusting and helped my search for the adrenalin rush. Racing motorcycles will always be my passion but car racing helped me satisfy my competitive nature at the time when I still needed the fix.

You’ve handled both machines. Which of them is more "obedient" in the hands of its master? And which one "spoils" you more?

A motorcycle is definitely more obedient because when you ride a bike, it becomes an extension of you and you are totally united with the bike. So, you are really driving the machine. In a car you are strapped in a seat in a large shell, and it feels much more like the vehicle is taking you for a ride, rather than you driving it. You just don't have that one-on-one relationship that you do with a bike.

Define for us: 1) The quintessential bike guy (or girl) and 2) The quintessential car guy (or girl)

The average motorcycle rider is a passionate and emotional person. Motorcycle riding is driven by passion. They are down-to-earth and have a good sense of adventure.

I think the average car enthusiast is driven by image, style, and speed. Their car is a reflection of their success. They are high achievers and strive for comfort and style in their life.

Of the many you own, which is your favourite machine? I don't have any of the Hondas or the Ford F100 (unfortunately) anymore. I now drive an Audi Q7 and a Volvo XC60 convertible. I did love my F100, but unfortunately all the family didn't fit – so now I just feed my passion and ride my new Honda CBR1,000 Fireblade for fun. I guess the real love of my life is my 1987 World Champion NSR500 which is now in a museum at Bathurst, NSW, so that everyone can enjoy it. I can't ride it anymore but it gave me one of the best gifts of my life (my World Championship) and so it has my loyalty forever!! My kids also now race Dirt Track and so we have quite a few more race bikes in the garage!

In closing, I'd just like to sum up with my belief that cars are a mode of transport whilst bikes are a way of life!

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Tuesday, November 10, 2009

Ideas felled by the gun: Kennedys and Luther King Jr

It's been almost five decades since John F. Kennedy was hit in his head and throat when three shots were fired at his car. The presidential convoy was passing through the main commercial district of Dallas, driving from the airport to the city centre. A bystander alleged that shots were fired from the casement of a construction across the road. The President buckled into Jackie Kennedy’s arms, who was heard crying out “Oh no”. The President’s limousine was immediately driven at speed to the Parklands Hospital. He died 35 minutes after being shot. Within hours of the shooting, a cop approached Lee Harvey Oswald, believing he matched the description of the killer. The cop was shot dead. Oswald was arrested straightaway, suspected of being the assassin. Shortly afterwards, he was charged. The suspect was never tried as he was shot dead two days later.

So it’s over: the Kennedy epoch in which the political realisation of the majority of my American cohort was born. It was John and Robert Kennedy whose lives actually thrilled American political principles and whose murders surely catalysed, as Norman Mailer previously asserted, a “general nervous breakdown”. It was that disastrous psychic rage that gave birth to the “youth culture” of the Hippie era, with its blend of lofty romanticism and self-absorbed bliss – which, as it happens, was a predominantly fitting cenotaph for the Kennedy dream. As I spent much of that period at Berkeley, where we made up what became the international student revolution; this is what I can analyse in retrospect.

It is nearly unfeasible to overrate the impact that the presidential campaign, the poll triumph, and then the assassination of President Kennedy had on a suggestible fresh legion of Americans who were rising from the Eisenhower years and a phase of conventional stagnation. Experts had termed our direct predecessors “the silent generation”.

All that optimism, all that pledge, the Peace Corps, the initial official acknowledgment of the objectives of the civil rights movement, the splendid oratory of Kennedy's speeches were doused in what was then an “unimaginable act”.


The jolt was literally astounding. I can still, to this very day, evoke it in all its intuitive passion, as can, I am sure, approximately every American who had been conscious then. When Bobby Kennedy, too, was killed, there was a philosophical sense of ineffectuality. Possibly it was at that instant that the movements entered properly into their nihilistic stage. For, there was still a faith then that the Kennedys were two typically good men who personified the most excellent aims of America. That was, obviously, before we learned the reality about their personal lives. But strangely, even after we came to know of the inconsistency between the personal and public ethics of the Kennedys – in John Kennedy’s case, a sexual promiscuity bordering on the pathological – and of the squalid arrangements that were made to obtain women for JFK by his kin, the legacy was not entirely shattered.

On the other hand, you simply cannot listen to the name Martin Luther King, Jr and not imagine death. You may heed the words “I have a dream,” but they will undoubtedly only dole out to emphasise a picture of a plain motel terrace, a large man made small, a pool of blood. Although King was among the most famous figures of his era, when he was alive, it was death that eventually defined him.

He ate, drank, and slept death. He bopped with it, he lectured it, he dreaded it and he stared it down. He looked for avenues to lay it sideways, this weight of his own transience, but eventually recognised that his steadfast resolve on a non-violent end to the ill-treatment of his folks could just end violently.

Since the age he started speaking in public, King was preoccupied by death – assaulted by the pledge of obliteration for seeking an end to humiliation to African Americans and the commencement of parity with whites. He dishevelled the feathers of white chauvinists who grew further resolute to bring him down. There were outstanding physical threats to King.

In an illustration of bare hostility, two white cops tried to wedge his entry into a Montgomery courtroom for the trial of a fellow who assaulted one of his comrades. Regardless of a caution from the cops, King jabbed his head in the courtroom looking for his solicitor to help him get in. His behaviour put a match to cops’ rage. The cop twisted his arm behind his back and shoved him into detention. A photographer happened to click the picture.

The shot of Dr King, clad in a natty tan outfit, fashionable gold watch and a cool snap-brim fedora, flinching as he is shoved to imprisonment, is an iconic civil rights image
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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



Monday, November 09, 2009

When Charisma Confronts Fate

mundane are not the only things common to South Asian nations. Another bizarre distinction they share is a history of assassinations of leaders. It started with Mahatma Gandhi in January, 1948 and looks be on a brief ‘pause’ mode since December, 2007 when Benazir Bhutto was sacrificed at the altar of South Asian history. In between, in the late 1970s, her father Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was ‘judicially’ assassinated by a military strongman called General Zia-ul Haq who himself died mysteriously in a plane crash in 1988. No country has been spared the trauma; no ruling ‘family’ has been spared the agony and the despair. Even as you read this, India is paying tribute to yet another victim of assassination – Indira Gandhi whose grandson Rahul Gandhi is preparing himself to become Prime Minister in 2014.

It is too early for objective history to be written on the impact these assassinations had on the trajectories taken by these nations. But some of these assassinations clearly look as portents of tragic history set to be repeated again, and again. Back in the 1950s, Sri Lanka, like India, was a newly independent nation grappling with existential issues like identity politics and the treatment of minorities. Solomon Bandaranaike was the charismatic Prime Minister of the country. He is the one who first gave a voice and a direction to ‘Sinhala’ nationalism at the cost of minority Tamils. He was shot dead by a Buddhist Sinhala monk who was convinced Bandaranaike was sacrificing Sinhala interests and pampering the Tamils. The genie was unleashed and continues to torment and traumatise the island nation even 50 years after the assassination. The genesis of V. Prabhakaran, the now dead leader of LTTE, can surely be traced to that one act of madness by a ‘Buddhist’ monk in 1959 (Ironically, it was the LTTE, formed to fight against Sinhala majoritarianism, that assassinated Rajiv Gandhi in 1991). For the moment, civil war in Sri Lanka has paused after an orgy of killings, assassinations and violence. But the ghosts of Solomon Bandaranaike and the monk who shot him still torment Sri Lanka.

For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article

Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Friday, November 06, 2009

The turkish trick!!

In near future, Russia and Turkey are all set to spar

The Turks and the Russians certainly have some thing in common. If not any thing then at least their ambition of becoming more powerful - especially in their region. If Russia is trying to revamp its influence over erstwhile Soviet region, then Turkey is leaving no stone unturned to capture the centre-stage of geopolitical arena.

Energy is no doubt the major issue in Turkish strategic thinking. As Turkey continues to industrialise, its thirst for energy is all set to increase. With Turkey being the largest supplier of low-cost goods to the Russian market, the influence of Turkey’s soft power can be easily felt over the Russian land. Since most of Russian corporations (heavy industry) can’t afford expensive western imports, Turkey found its foot into Russian economy by providing them economically affordable alternatives. Moreover, Turkey has a significant intervention and trade-ties in former communist states like Romania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. For the uninitiated, most of the Balkan states are already members of the European Union. Furthering this trade related ties, Russia is Turkey’s chief trading partner, with energy accounting for a huge pie. Talking in numbers, presently Turkey depends on Russia for 65-70 per cent of its natural gas and 40 per cent of its oil imports.

Even the Europeans have being eying Turkey as an energy transit hub for routes that would bypass Russia altogether. The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline is one such route that is still stuck in the initial stages. Thus, Russians seem to have all the more reason to pressurise the Turks not to get into this pipeline deal, as it would cost Russia its energy trade with Europe and eventually a big client.

The second potential source of energy for the Turks is the Central Asia region. If there is something that may increase the friction between the Russians and Turks, its going to be this region. The hurdle that Turkey faces over this region is that it does not directly adjoin the region. The only help it would get to attach itself with a central Asian nation, who would be more than happy to deal with Turkey, is from Azerbaijan. However, the core of Azerbaijan does not share its borders with Turkey. Instead, it is on the other side of Armenia. Armenia has sold itself to the Russians to keep its Turkish foes at bay, thanks to their bitter past. Russia has been building up a substantial military presence in this small Caucasian state. But then things seems to be changing as Turkey and Armenia will sign landmark deals in the near future to normalise ties, in a major step towards ending nearly a century of hostility over their bloody history. This would eventually open many gates for turkey, which are currently inaccessible. It’s beyond any apprehension that these two nations who are all set to rewrite their power equations, will soon collide into each other. With their ambition overlapping, their relation may turn sour quite soon. In the short term they may continue their trade ties which may mutually benefit each other, but in the long term their interest are for sure to clash. It’s all a matter of time. In future this piece of region will be interesting to watch out for...

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Thursday, November 05, 2009

Reining in the Rogues

The govt has set up a committee to prevent fake surrenders

For some reason, it’s taken the Assam government three decades to do what it should have done earlier: ensure that militancy in the state did not grow into an industry with ‘surrendered’ militants ruling the roost. It is now that the government has set up a committee to prevent such ‘fake surrenders’.

It all started in the early 1990s when then Congress chief minister late Hiteswar Saikia tried to weaken the United Liberation Front of Asom (Ulfa), creating a monster called the Sulfa or surrendered Ulfa. These men became a law unto themselves. Most of them became gangsters. These former militants act like private armymen of political establishments, becoming rich overnight. Ironically, after joining the mainstream, these men are not even punished for the crimes they committed as a rebel. But now all of that will come to an end.

Khagen Sharma, additional director general of police and spokesperson for the Assam Police, tells TSI that the new committee will now screen possible surrendered candidates and ensure that only hardcore militants are allowed to do so. There are, of course, questions that will forever remain unanswered: why were the security forces allowed to stage manage ‘surrenders’ with village boys made to hold single and double-barrel guns? Sceptics say it was done to impress the Centre.

Indications, though, are that the government is beginning to learn from its mistakes, and is tightening the screws on the system dealing with the entire surrender procedure. Rules for surrendered militants, who were often allowed to retain their weapons on grounds of ‘personal security’, thereby giving them the opportunity to become hoodlums, are now being made strict. For one, surrendered militants, who will continue to be put up in designated camps, will be monitored for three years before being given Rs 1.5 lakh for rehabilitation. Also, the government will no longer accept surrender by soft members such as courier boys and sympathisers.

Besides, any surrendered militant found to have indulged in extortion or kidnapping or other crimes will not receive any favour from the government.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Wednesday, November 04, 2009

The dissolution of old empires

More than 30 years ago, Sharad Pawar was a young stormy petrel who created history. He ditched the Congress party (then led by Indira Gandhi) and formed a government in Maharashtra with him as the Chief Minister. More than a decade ago, he rebelled against the ‘foreigner’ daughter-in-law of Indira Gandhi and formed the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP). During his second ‘revolt’, Sonia Gandhi became a persona non-grata; but only for a while. This time around, the ‘Maratha’ strongman’s party will again be in power as an ally of the Congress. But the grand dreams that Sharad Pawar had of upstaging the Congress are all but over. In the 2004 assembly elections, his party actually won more seats than the Congress. This time, it is way behind the Congress. And it does appear as if his daughter Surekha Sule will inherit the Pawar mantle even as she starts losing an Empire.

This has clearly been an election of hubris and déjà vu. Most pundits were of the opinion that the Congress led by Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda will sweep the assembly elections in Haryana since the opposition was badly fragmented. In the end, the voters ended up scaring Hooda who barely managed to scrape through with a narrow victory (At the time of going to press). The lesson for both Pawar and Hooda is stark and clear: Voters inevitably have a nasty habit of springing surprises if you become overconfident. Hooda will now be a much wiser politician while time is clearly running out for Pawar. In the future, Sharad Pawar and NCP have no choice but to play second fiddle to the Congress. He can’t form a government even if he now ditches the Congress and hitches up with the Shiv Sena.

There is yet another trend that the three assembly election results have reinforced. The era of anti-incumbency is rapidly receding and in danger of becoming a distant memory. Narendra Modi in Gujarat, Shivraj Chauhan in Madhya Pradesh, Sheila Dixit in Delhi, Raman Singh in Chhattisgarh, the late YSR Reddy in Andhra Pradesh and of course the Manmohan-Sonia team at the Centre have all defied anti-incumbency to get elected. Perhaps the only prominent politician who did succumb to anti-incumbency was Vasundhara Raje Scindia in Rajasthan. Does that mean that the average Indian voter is satisfied with the governance delivered by governments ­— both at the Centre and in the states? A straightforward yes would be foolhardy because even Congress insiders admit that the Congress-NCP alliance in Maharashtra has delivered appalling governance in the last many years. Take out Mumbai and Maharashtra slips to rank number 11 in terms of per capita income. The state leads in farmers’ suicides; power cuts have now become the norm and heavy rains now routinely cripple the city of Mumbai. Clearly, if just governance was the parameter, the voters would have decisively booted out the Congress-NCP alliance.

For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article

Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



Tuesday, November 03, 2009

Once bitten, twice shy

The CPI(M)-led LDF will not repeat the mistake of hugging Madani in public this time as The congress-led udf readies for the battle for three assembly constituencies in kerala, says Anu Warrier

During the last Lok Sabha polls, a CPI(M) Politburo member from Kerala was sad that the state had only 20 constituencies. As the results came out, he boarded himself up inside Delhi’s AKG Bhavan. Party committees blamed chief minister V.S. Achuthanandan’s remarks, his studied silence on controversial issues and the LDF’s relationship with Abdul Nasser Madani’s Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the loss of 16 seats. Now, the party faces yet another litmus test. The three Assembly seats, which fell vacant after the representatives got elected to the Lok Sabha, go to polls on November 7.

As usual, the fight is between the CPI(M)-led LDF and the Congress-led UDF. Unlike the parliamentary elections, this time both fronts are reluctant to claim victory. The constituencies as well as the warring fronts themselves have been in considerable flux.

In an attempt to come clean in front of the voters, the LDF has made sure that CPI(M) state secretary Pinarayi Vijayan does not hug Madani this time. Vijayan had supported Madani, who was in jail for nine years as an accused in Coimbatore blast case, against all odds in the Lok Sabha polls. He had even challenged the CPI, another key LDF constituent, to protect the interests of the PDP chairman on Ponnani seat. Now he keeps mum on his party’s relationship with PDP. To add to that, Madani has fielded his candidate against G. Krishnaprasad, the CPI nominee in Alappuzha. But in Ernakulam and Kannur, where CPI(M) candidates are in the fray, PDP has offered support to the LDF. However, the CPI(M) leadership has assured other LDF constituents that the front will not share dais with any party that is not a part of the front.

Another major change has been chief minister V.S. Achuthanandan’s ouster from the party’s supreme committee over charges of factionalism. Achuthanandan, who was always vocal in criticising the official faction of the party, is virtually silent after the Politburo action against him. He even inaugurated the LDF poll campaign at Kannur, where his archrival and Pinarayi-confidant M.V.Jayarajan puts up a hard fight against A.P. Abdullakkutty, the former CPI(M) MP who changed sides after getting booted out from the party just before the Lok Sabha polls. The UDF has another advantage in Kannur. The Janata Dal (S) faction, led by M.P. Veerendra Kumar, has officially joined the UDF. Moreover, there is no history of an LDF candidate winning the Kannur Assembly seat.

The bypolls in Alappuzha, Ernakulam and Kannur have become a trial of strength for both the fronts. The seats, held by UDF, fell vacant after the representatives were elected to the Lok Sabha and the LDF has made this an issue for campaign. The UDF wants to prove that the victory in the parliamentary election was not a fluke. The LDF, on the other hand, is determined to wrest at least one seat this time to show that the Lok Sabha poll result was just a one-time occurrence.

For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article

Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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