In practice, the scenario looks mixed and not one which is likely to inspire confidence in a potential ultra contemplating a comeback. While
Devi has not got a farthing by way of state assistance, Malik got immediate relief and Rs 3,000 stipend for 48 months, but no promised ‘seed’ money which could help him launch into something of an alternative career. Malik is, nonetheless, better placed than some of the others but that is because of his high ranking in the Maoist hierarchy. Lesser known figures who took the government’s offer at face value, are trying hard to organise their own protection and lead a normal existence.
Says Malik: “Whenever I come back from meetings dejected, my wife curses the day she compelled me to surrender. The government is not serious about rehabilitation. If it were, not so many of my comrades would be left high and dry. They were better off in the bushes.’’ In the case of unlettered Devi, nothing has worked; no corpus money. Her daughter works as a farm hand. The modus operandi of the government has in most cases defied explanation. The accused is first declared a proclaimed offender and offered amnesty. When they accept the offer, they are dropped off the list of offenders itself, making any entitlements for them under the rehabilitation plan redundant.
The story of Sadhu Sharan Laldev, a sub-zonal commander of the MCC and one whose head carried a Rs 25,000 reward, is particularly poignant. He surrendered on July 31, 2003 and wanted to start a ration shop with the corpus money that never came. He picked up employment with the Sonalika Tractor agency in Muzzafarpur and was just beginning to breathe easy when he was named in a case of arm snatching. He forked out Rs 45,000 to rustle up bail and there is still no sign of the promises made by the government. When Laldev went back to Sonalika Tractors, they just threw up their hands: once a Naxalite, always a Naxalite. Admits Laldev: “I am sorry that I ever surrendered. I am hiding as the promised police protection has not materialised. ‘’
Their parent cadre, MCC, worried at its depleting numbers, is aware of the new status of its former comrades and is not above calling them back. Points out another surrendered Naxalite, Mohammed Noor: “I have been ditched. I will go back to the MCC at the first chance I get.’’ In the Maoist-affected areas, posters exhorting ex-party members back into the party fold have sprung up. That may not be good news for the rehabilitation programme. Says chief of the Special Task Force (STF) to counter Maoists, SK Bhardwaj: “We cannot leave the work of monitoring to police stations. We have found people who have surrendered officially, but still keep in touch with their former colleagues.’’ (see interview)
The task of monitoring itself is not easy in Bihar where 31 out of 40 districts have been officially declared naxal-hit. Even if the establishment takes up the rehabilitation programme in right earnest, it has hell of a job at hand.
Devi has not got a farthing by way of state assistance, Malik got immediate relief and Rs 3,000 stipend for 48 months, but no promised ‘seed’ money which could help him launch into something of an alternative career. Malik is, nonetheless, better placed than some of the others but that is because of his high ranking in the Maoist hierarchy. Lesser known figures who took the government’s offer at face value, are trying hard to organise their own protection and lead a normal existence.Says Malik: “Whenever I come back from meetings dejected, my wife curses the day she compelled me to surrender. The government is not serious about rehabilitation. If it were, not so many of my comrades would be left high and dry. They were better off in the bushes.’’ In the case of unlettered Devi, nothing has worked; no corpus money. Her daughter works as a farm hand. The modus operandi of the government has in most cases defied explanation. The accused is first declared a proclaimed offender and offered amnesty. When they accept the offer, they are dropped off the list of offenders itself, making any entitlements for them under the rehabilitation plan redundant.
The story of Sadhu Sharan Laldev, a sub-zonal commander of the MCC and one whose head carried a Rs 25,000 reward, is particularly poignant. He surrendered on July 31, 2003 and wanted to start a ration shop with the corpus money that never came. He picked up employment with the Sonalika Tractor agency in Muzzafarpur and was just beginning to breathe easy when he was named in a case of arm snatching. He forked out Rs 45,000 to rustle up bail and there is still no sign of the promises made by the government. When Laldev went back to Sonalika Tractors, they just threw up their hands: once a Naxalite, always a Naxalite. Admits Laldev: “I am sorry that I ever surrendered. I am hiding as the promised police protection has not materialised. ‘’
Their parent cadre, MCC, worried at its depleting numbers, is aware of the new status of its former comrades and is not above calling them back. Points out another surrendered Naxalite, Mohammed Noor: “I have been ditched. I will go back to the MCC at the first chance I get.’’ In the Maoist-affected areas, posters exhorting ex-party members back into the party fold have sprung up. That may not be good news for the rehabilitation programme. Says chief of the Special Task Force (STF) to counter Maoists, SK Bhardwaj: “We cannot leave the work of monitoring to police stations. We have found people who have surrendered officially, but still keep in touch with their former colleagues.’’ (see interview)
The task of monitoring itself is not easy in Bihar where 31 out of 40 districts have been officially declared naxal-hit. Even if the establishment takes up the rehabilitation programme in right earnest, it has hell of a job at hand.
