Sons rise in the east

Tejaswi and Chirag plan to make impressive political debuts in 2014 and take their fathers’ political mantle ahead. Sanjay Upadhya reports

They are young, stylish and trendy and could hardly be described as icons of backward politics which their fathers espoused with such fervor. Tejaswi Yadav and Chirag Paswan, sons of Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) strongman Laloo Yadav and Dalit leader Ram Vilas Paswan respectively, are here to stay and carry the political baton ahead in Bihar.

With their fathers’ career not particularly on the upswing, it is but natural in the Indian scheme of things that children take over. In the recent past, both have made their presence felt in the political corridors of power launching scathing attacks on Chief Minister Nitish Kumar for his ‘misrule’.

Both of them have many things in common – apart from political lineage. One was a budding cricketer, the other a wannabe film star, their innings nipped early in the bud. On their fathers’ invaluable political advice, they have so far kept away from day to day politics, preferring to keep ‘social mission’ as their motto – as of now.

At the recent Parivartan rally in Patna’s historic Gandhi Maidan, Tejaswi thundered like a trained politician, aiming his guns at his father’s bête noir Nitish Kumar.  Young, energetic and soft spoken, Tejaswi represented Jharkhand in Ranji Trophy and was part of Delhi Daredevils in IPL.

He is set for another innings,now that cricket has not paid adequate dividends and what better than to take daddy’s mantle ahead? Blue-eyed Chirag Paswan, who had a small role in eminently forgettable ‘Mile Na Miley Hum’, realized that the film industry was the prerogative of Kapoors and Khans. So? Next stop politics of course.

A Paswan aide confesses that Chirag is being trained for building bridges with the Congress and Rahul Gandhi. “I won’t say I and Rahul Gandhi are best friends, but we have grown up together and our families are very close so I did not have to convince Rahul to watch my maiden film,’’ Chirag said during a recent election campaign. He had earlier told TSI: “my heart beats for films and politics is in my blood.’’ It is common these days to see giant cuts outs of Chirag posing with dad Ram Vilas, all in style mind you. At the main gate of the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), a smiling portrait of Chirag welcomes all with folded hands. Like Tejaswi, Chirag’s attacks on ‘uncle’ Nitish are polite and non-inflammatory, away from the rough and tumble of Bihar politics.

Sensing change in the political air – with the Maharajgunj Lok Sabha bye-elections victory and the JD (U)-BJP split as the background – Laloo Yadav is set to provide 40 per cent tickets to youth. Party insiders say it has already been decided that the command of the youth brigade would be given to Tejaswi.

When Yadav Jr. is in town, he is busy preparing his list of youth volunteers. He is a regular visitor to the RJD office encircled with friends. He takes keen interest in party affairs without being overbearing and is reverential towards the party’s senior leaders.

Father Laloo Yadav is playing a vital role in Tejaswi’s baptism. In 2010, he formally introduced his cricketer-son in politics. “Look at Tejaswi, he is going to do wonders in politics. He is good orator,’’ a beaming father had told a press conference. During the 2010 assembly elections, Tejaswi addressed many political meetings but despite his presence in Raghopur, mother Rabri Devi could not win.

However, the induction of the two siblings has raised the specter of dynastic politics, a cause which had propelled their fathers to political super stardom in the salad days of the JP agitation back in the 1970s.

JD(U) and BJP leaders allege that RJD's Parivartan rally was aimed at handing over the baton – an extension of Laloo’s move to install wife Rabri Devi as chief minister in the bad old days of the fodder scam. Post-fodder, Laloo build his bridges with the Gandhi-Nehru family, since everything is deemed ‘fair’ in politics.

That has not enthused other members of the Laloo Yadav clan. His brothers-in-law Sadhu and Subhash, both power centres in the days of RJD rule, are particularly miffed. “Jijaji ab satta mein kabhi nahi aayenge,’’ (brother-in-law Laloo will not never come to power) predicts former MP Sadhu Yadav.

Laloo, who had once described both Sadhu and Subhash as his energy tonic, is now keen to give them the short shrift. One insider says both the salas (brother-in-laws) are not allowed entry into the Laloo Yadav household.
However, the canny RJD strongman had given enough indications that “all my children have careers in politics ahead of them.’’ The time to blood one of them has arrived with the 2014 General Elections on the horizon.

Now, with the advent of Tejaswi, it is clear that the party’s youth wing is going to be headed by him. RJD has already announced that 40 percent of party tickets will be distributed to young leaders. Clearly, the 2014 elections will be the right occasion to keep dynastic politics going ahead in good stead.

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Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri

and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

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Living and the dead

The mysterious death of Khalid Mujahid in UP is a template for all that is wrong in the war against terror.Puja Awasthi reports
In death, Khalid Mujahid has a voice louder than the living. A voice, spoken in many tongues, that is threatening to shout down the Samajwadi Party government which finds itself in a bind over his custodial death. In the state which tops the ignoble list of such deaths, the tragedy of Mujahid (see box), a madarsa teacher from Jaunpur, 250 kilometre from the state’s capital Lucknow, is not just another statistic but a template for all that is wrong in the war against terror.

The FIR filed by Mujahid’s uncle Zaheer Alam Falahi names two former DGPs- Brij Lal and Vikram Singh (in addition to Manoj Kumar Jha,Chiranjeev Nath Sinha and S Anand) and the Intelligence Bureau as accused in a conspiracy to kill Mujahid. Vikram Singh who was the state’s DGP in 2007, stands by the arrests. “We broke the back of the terrorists. UP has been quiet ever since. We are on a high moral and legal ground”, he says.

Yet human rights organisations believe that if the case were to be investigated impartially, a proverbial can of worms would open. By logical extension, all the arrests that happened only on ‘leads’ provided by Mujahid and Tariq Qazmi would also be under a scanner, as would police claims of successfully working out terror cases.

Rajeev Yadav, spokesperson of the Rihai Manch-a forum for the release of Muslims jailed on terror charges says,“This is not an investigation into one case. It raises policy questions- why is the Intelligence Bureau doing what it is? Under what pressures is it working?”

Outwardly the government shows no signs of being perturbed. But the overtures are telling—an offer of security to Mohd Shoaib and Randhir Singh Suman (respective lawyers for Qazmi and Mujahid) and Rajeev Yadav, and a compensation for Mujahid’s family. The security cover was refused and the compensation turned down. The latter is also being challenged by a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) which argues that since Mujahid is still a terrorist in the government’s records, his family must deserve what comes its way. “These are just ploys to silence us”, says Shoaib. The government’s measures have come in fits, as it seems desperate to be seen doing something, doing anything for an important vote bank. While there is no word from the CBI on the inquiry, a committee of the Home Secretary and the ADG Power Corporation is also probing the incident as is the chief judicial magistrate of Faizabad.

Yet suspicions keep growing. “The government’s intentions were always doubtful. The half measures for Khalid's release ensured that he became a threat to the police. He would have been a prime witness in investigations into his arrest. How could they have let him live?” asks Falahi. The ‘half measures’ he speaks of, include the holding back of the Nimesh Commission report. That report is a key document in shedding light on the role of the police in the arrests. As half substantiated leaks flow out, Mujahid has acquired the tag ‘shaheed’ and a motley group of self servers are being drawn to it. Among them, Maulana Bukhari who has demanded that an independent agency, not the CBI, conduct the inquiry and an employment offer figure in the compensation package being offered to the family. Some emotion was also sought to be whipped by mentions of Mujahid’s deeply anguished widow who in fact does not exist. The BJP has piped in with a promise to side with the suspended police officials, not specifying what it would do, while another PIL has been filed to seek quashing of the suspensions as they had happened arbitrarily.

The only undisputed fact in this maze is that the fight against terror is flawed. Take the case of Walliulah Obaid Qazmi sentenced to 10 years in jail in 2009 for the Varanasi bomb blasts of 2006. Qazmi was convicted under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act but let off from the more serious charges of waging war against the state, criminal conspiracy and sedition. The debate on whether he got away lightly because of sloppy investigation or paid for a crime he did not commit, has not ceased. As such debates grow so does the possibility of political manipulations and public discontent.

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Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri

and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles

IIPM’s Management Consulting Arm-Planman Consulting
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Rajita Chaudhuri-The New Age Woman

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Nirbhaya's Ballia

This place boasts of a Prime Minister called Chandrasekhar. It is also 'hometown' to India's most talked about gang rape victim Nirbhaya. Puja Awasthi travels across Ballia to find aspirational Bharat clashing with resurgent India

“Myself, Shilpi Pandey. I am prepare for BHU Mass Communication and journalism admission (sic)”, bubbles the 21-year-old who lives in Sri Ram Vihar Colony in Uttar Pradesh’s Ballia. Like Pandey, there is at least one member from every family in this midsized colony studying English at the branch of what is locally advertised as ‘India’s largest institute of spoken English’. Pandey spent three months -- two hours for five days every week — at the institute to fix a lack of confidence and came out convinced that she had finally set out on the path to a bright future, her ‘bright’ being a career in the television industry. “I will do whatever it takes and go wherever I have to,” she says with admirable determination once the conversation has settled into Hindi- a language she is more comfortable with.

Some 40 km from Pandey’s home, in the village of Medourah Kalan, that dream to make it big has propelled a few members from almost each of its 500 families to seek a life outside the district which offers few employment opportunities, despite being dotted by some 80 degree colleges. The victim of the gang rape that happened on December 16, 2012 in Delhi, belonged to one such family.

“When the incident happened, girls were scared to go to college which is 10 kilometres from here. But staying back is not an option. Development has not come to us. There is no future here”, says Paras Nath Yadav, the 40-year-old former pradhan of the village.

Yadav’s two brothers live and work elsewhere and he admits that had it not been for an early political initiation, he too would have quit.

Back in Ballia, Rajeev Kumar, the head of the political science department at the Shri Murli Manohar Town PG College sits in his airy, first floor office where a gleaming slim screen computer rests atop a dusty table, and explains that an acute feeling of insecurity is driving migration in the district’s 90 per cent-plus rural population. “Half of those who work as farmers do not own land. They suffer forced labour and sexual exploitation. Despite the river (Ganga) changing course, land surveys have not been re-done. Local elites have been permitted a free run in establishing unlawful control over land. Trapped in such dismal circumstances, low castes migrate with the hope that hard work elsewhere will allow them a chance at a decent life. In the case of the middle class, it is the spirit to exert which is at work”, he says. An example of that spirit having outpaced what the district has to offer is served by Kumar’s own work place where the library is in the process of being digitalised and the campus is being turned into a Wi Fi zone despite 10-hour electricity cuts being the norm. Below his office, girls make a beeline to fill in forms that will make them eligible for the state government’s free laptop scheme (aimed at those who cleared their class 12 examinations last year), but none of those questioned have an answer to how the machines will work in the absence of power. “That is why I want to get out”, says a science undergraduate. Fair point.

The push factors for migration (ie lack of employment opportunities) that work so forcefully in Ballia, are not unique to it. They spread across Uttar Pradesh, which makes up the largest slice of rural and urban interstate migrations that have contributed to adding approximately 22 million new people to the population of destination cities, of which Delhi remains the most popular.

In 1983, it was to Delhi that Badri Singh, the father of the gang rape victim migrated in search of a better life. Working double shifts as a loader with a private airline and getting less than five hours of sleep a night, he had made peace with the realisation that while the better life would skip him, it would definitely come to his three children.

It is the tantalising possibility of this promise that feeds the migratory stream despite lowly skilled migrants mostly ending up in ghettos and drawing the ire of original inhabitants of the destination city. The perpetrators of the December 16 crime in Delhi which rocked an entire nation, also migrants from small towns and villages, were the ugly consequence of a fading of that promise and the resulting economic, social and psychological deprivation.

Yet, with each generation, the illusion of the promise grows more fantastic.“In big cities, it is easier to get returns on your hard work. You are not known for your caste. Your qualification and your job speak for you”, offers 17-year-old Vivek Singh who is a first year student of commerce at a local college. He is aiming for a “MBA with good marks” after which he hopes to find a “manager’s job in a financial company”.  His reference point is an uncle who is in the army, not his father who is a teacher.

To underscore his point on caste, Singh says that while the whole world was raising its voice in support of the 23- year-old Delhi gang rape victim, in Ballia, she was still defined by her standing in the caste hierarchy. “We took out a candle march and burned some effigies, but there was constant talk about her caste, and about her parent’s failure to control her. Imagine that happening in a big city where factories are well developed”, he asks, connecting economic prosperity with a more inclusive social milieu.

In the course of a day spent in Ballia, this is not the sole disturbing observation on the Delhi gang rape victim. Says Ramendra Dwivedi, a local journalist,“There was a muted but palpable sense of resentment that a family of lowly standing had garnered undue attention. The question kya mila (what did the family get) was of greatest interest. The conflict between big city values and small city aspirations was marked.” Dwivedi’s observation points to the complicated relationship between migration and acculturation, a relationship burdened by loss, alienation, dislocation and isolation. It hinges on a complicated equation--clinging to the security of a native identity hawked through culture and caste-based associations while reworking old ties through an economic lens.

Much of the blame for the lack of opportunities lies with the government. In the cause and effect logic of economic activity, the absence of basic infrastructure has turned industry off the region. Thus, while the per capita income of western Uttar Pradesh stands at Rs 15,869, 21 districts of eastern UP have an income of only Rs 9,288 per person.

Industry experts believe that focused hard sell can improve the districts’ economy, as the western region is saturated with industries. In the absence of that focus, eastern UP’s income has remained worse than even that of Bundelkhand which with a per capita income of Rs 12,878 attracts special packages from the centre and the state—a regional anomaly that is explained in part by the more acute nature of distress in Bundelkhand where debt and drought have fuelled farmers’ suicides and captured political imagination. The state’s freshly announced ‘New Infrastructure and Industrial Investment Policy, 2012’ which offers 100 percent exemption in stamp duty and a capital interest subsidy scheme for industries set up in the eastern districts of the state, is yet to yield results. Only the proposed airport at Kushinagar has drawn investor interest for its tourism affecting potential.

More specifically, of the 104 Industrial Entrepreneurs Memoranda (IEM) the initial application for approval to start an industry, filed between April 1, 2012 and January 31, 2013, not a single one proposes an industry for Ballia or for any of the other eastern district except Varanasi and Sonebhadra. This is a telling contrast to Noida, which has attracted 35 new proposals. Even the 1,047 km Ganga Expressway—an access controlled eight lane project that was announced in 2007, to connect Ballia to Noida and thus fuel a more even growth, has been stalled in court.

Ballia’s most recent cause for dissent came from this year’s Railway budget which announced a bi-weekly train to Delhi, but selected its point of origin in Mau (71 kilometres from Ballia), despite representations to the ministry that a train be introduced from Ballia in memory of the bahadur beti (brave daughter) as she is locally referred to.

Krishna Kumar Upadhyay, better known by his moniker `Kaptan’ is the convenor of the Purvanchal Vikas Manch, a body demanding statehood for the state’s eastern region. He connects the example of the train to the other slights that are regularly handed to Ballia. “From the inability to procure land to the disinterest of entrepreneurs, from the non-feasibility of having a medical university to the administrative logic of not setting up a university —there is always a ready answer for why things cannot happen in Ballia”, he says as he prepares to leave for Delhi to press for a route change for the train and demand a 50 per cent reservation quota for Ballia on it.

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Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri

and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

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The Curious Case of Imran Khan

Years ago when Imran Khan decided to join the political fray in Pakistan, he acted and sounded like a novice. More like a starry eyed teenager eager to please everyone than a seasoned cynical politico who knows the nuances of the game. Almost two decades later now, he has barely changed. But the political contours of Pakistan have. And that is why, just days before the historic general elections in Pakistan, Imran Khan has turned relevant, and uncomfortably so.

While the jury is still out whether Imran Khan and his PTI will manage to win the election or at least do well, what is certain that he will not remain at the sidelines as he was in the previous polls. In a nation where frenzies are whipped as easily as it can be, Imran Khan indeed expanded his base after years of dedication. The so called Imran Khan Tsunami that people are talking these days started with barely registered ripples in Pakistan’s otherwise volatile political water.

So, what has made Imran Khan so relevant? The answer is, changing times and demography. Asif Ali Zardari’s PPP indeed became part of the history by becoming the only elected government in Pakistan to complete its term. However, apart from that, it has pretty little to show or talk about. Its five years tenure has been marred by an economic freefall, spate of bombings and suicide attacks, energy crisis and more. Meanwhile, a whole new lot of youngsters have blotted the electoral rolls. This new, urbane and upwardly mobile, group has decidedly different aspiration from its preceding generations. But like most of the other places in the world, this generation is also dangerously apolitical, and proud about it. For such a generation, Imran Khan came as an obvious choice.

A man with the supposed magic-wand. A man who dwells on the surface of a problem and refuse to probe deeper. A man who gives simple (or rather simpleton) solutions to complex problems. In short, suitably suited for this generation.

For example, while he is a vociferous opponent of Drone attacks in Pakistan, he is clueless about what alternative options can Pakistan choose to replace this. Or, while he is a great advocate of dialogue with Taliban, he fails to mention how previous attempts to engage them in dialogue have only given them time to regroup and strengthen their position. Every uneasy answer is buried. No surprise that he caught the fancy of this generation.

But that is not to say that Imran Khan is merely a construct of circumstances. To insinuate that would be callous. If Imran Khan has made himself relevant in the ethnicity ridden South Asian politics, it says a lot about the man’s character.

“As such, Khan is a departure from leaders who hail from political dynasties, such as the Bhuttos or the Sharifs, and boast immense rural landholdings. Since the PTI boycotted the 2008 general elections and has no representation in parliament, the party's record is also clean. Khan is thus better positioned than the PML-N to denounce the corrupt practices of "Mr. Ten Percent," as Pakistan's President and co-chairman of the ruling Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Asif Ali Zardari is widely known,” says noted Pakistani political commentator, Huma Yusuf.

Your correspondent had a chance to see his impact in Karachi, a city that epitomises ethnic fissures in Pakistan. In a city where voters have traditionally voted either for MQM, ANP or PPP depending on whether they are ethnic Urdu speakers, Pashtuns or Sindhi, and where voting away from the ethnic line is considered even worse than betrayal, Imran Khan has attracted votes across ethnicity. Although he is still expected to bag more of Pashtun votes than those of Mohajirs, it is no surprise that he has made a mentionable dent in both ANP as well as MQM’s vote.

It is because the issues he raises are of national and international importance and affect average Pakistanis in more ways than one. Take for example his opposition to America’s involvement in Pakistan in particular and the region in general.

“Anti-American rhetoric is common among Islamist hard-liners and religious party leaders, but Khan’s urbane appeal as a former cricketer who won international acclaim means he can reach a wider, less religious audience and position himself as the acceptable face of anti-Americanism,” says Badar Alam, editor of Pakistan’s Herald Magazine. “When mullahs talk, people don't stop to listen. "But when a Western educated clean-shaven man does the same, it does suit them.”

Also, compared to both Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, Imran Khan can actually brag his selflessness. For example when Parvez Musharraf asked him to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan, he promptly refused. It was a rare gesture in a region where seasoned statesmen have been known to become Prime Minister for as less as 13 days even when it was clear to them that they will not be able to gather the requisite numbers to survive.

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Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri

and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

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The unputdownable!

Subrata Roy Sahara should come out winning on all fronts in the current face-off with SEBI! And why the erroneous Supreme Court judgment against Sahara goes beyond Parliamentary Acts and is being misused by SEBI to its own benefit! BY Arindam Chaudhuri

There are a few things about Subrata Roy Sahara that even his harshest critics accept. That the man is a visionary – his mammoth investments in media, housing, hotel, sports and other industries being compelling evidence. That his open assertions of being a patriot have their weight in the various behemoth social initiatives undertaken by his group – with no apologies to the slanted English media in India which, I feel, hypocritically slanders anyone who represents the ‘other’ India (lest you should forget, it was this very media that shamelessly reported gossip a few years ago about him being ‘critically ill’ and on his deathbed; no surprises then that the same English media chose to ignore reporting how sprightly he was while meeting UK Prime Minister David Cameron a few weeks back in a closed door meeting discussing educational and research initiatives). And yes, that the man religiously knows his numbers and has a financial acumen that is better than the combined intellect of all Indian regulators in the industries where he operates.

There are a few things about India that even its damnedest supporters don’t deny. That the License Raj era spewed out a few handfuls of family businesses that shamelessly chewed away the very idea of India, criminally sucking it hollow by monopolising industries, encouraged by corruption soaked politicians – and encouraging them in return. That this venomous combination over the decades led to a jaundiced India that today has hundreds of millions of illiterate people below the poverty line; that has no global brands to speak of, but many billionaires borne out of the excesses of the License Raj era (I call most of them ‘blood billionaires’, given that they’ve made the money on the blood of Indians). That the same group of blood billionaires, in cahoots with a similar group of corrupt bureaucrats (regulators included) and politicians, have fought and will fight tooth and nail, criminally and illegally, to ensure that there is no new honest and ethical claimant to their industry space, especially if such an entrepreneur were from the proletariat.

That Subrata Roy Sahara titles himself as the Managing Worker of his group only adds to the ire of India’s caustic bourgeoisie, which, hand in hand with the English media, would be loath to have such an unabashed community representative of workers amongst their well ‘oiled’ and ‘greased’ group. So every time Subrata Roy Sahara and his likes attempt to tread the path of diligent and astute effort – assuming the same equated to returns – they’re pulled down acerbically and vindictively by the group representing the old, feudal India. You see, this group believes that only they know how India should be run and by whom. Look around and you’ll see many examples strewn across India of how honest upstarts have been trampled upon by the powers that be before they could gain ground – wherever there has been anyone attempting to improve the condition of India, they’ve had a horde of regulatory, tax, police and judicial bodies running up their door to initiate the so-called enquiries and ‘search’.

The current face-off that Subrata Roy Sahara has with SEBI actually exemplifies all this too well. A group that has issued OFCDs (Optionally Fully Convertible Debentures) since the year 2001 with all relevant government permissions, and which has regularly submitted all details as required by the concerned government authorities, suddenly gets a prohibitory order from SEBI in November 2010 against the OFCDs issued by two unlisted group companies (Sahara Housing Investment Corporation Ltd. and Sahara India Real Estate Corporation Ltd.) – and this despite the fact that just seven months before that, SEBI had, through its own communication to Ministry of Corporate Affairs, commented that as these were unlisted companies and had not filed a draft red herring prospectus with SEBI, any complaint with respect to these two companies should be handled by the Ministry of Corporate Affairs. What changed between April and November 2010 that led SEBI to issue such expansive orders without appropriate investigation? Especially when, as per SEBI’s own rules, they had and have no role to play in the case of unlisted companies that have no intention to list in the future. Was it that the Commonwealth Games scam and the telecom scam (both of which reached their zenith in mid-to-late-2010), was getting too hot to handle for the parties in power and they needed diversionary tactics?

SEBI was undone by some scrupulous individuals within the system itself. In December 2010, the Department of Legal Affairs, Government of India, noted in its official report (FTS No.4140/LS/2010), “The company in the given case being [an] unlisted company and not intending to get its securities listed...cannot be said to have gone in the fold of SEBI by merely becoming a group company of an unrelated separate company which has no intention to get its shares listed...” Ministry of Corporate Affairs, in its written submission to the Allahabad High Court in 2010, mentioned, “The issuance of OFCD [by] the petitioner company after the registration with the Registrar of Companies has been permissible under law. The Central Government remains the regulating authority for the company.” The Additional Solicitor General of India, Mohan Parasaran, in his official opinion note dated February 8, 2011, confirmed with extreme clarity after documenting multiple pages of logic, “For the reasons mentioned above and in my considered view, SEBI has no jurisdiction over unlisted companies like the Sahara Group of Companies, which are not intending to get themselves listed.” Two days later, in an official noting, the Minister of Corporate Affairs, Veerappa Moily, noted, “I agree with [the] Additional Solicitor General Mohan Parasaran.” It should be noted that Parasaran is now the Solicitor General of India.

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Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri

and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles

2012 : DNA National B-School Survey 2012
Ranked 1st in International Exposure (ahead of all the IIMs)
Ranked 6th Overall
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Bogged down by capacity constraints

Given the growth in cargo traffic and maritime trade, ports in India are in urgent need of capacity augmentation in order to meet the country’s growing economic needs and also to grow its share of international trade.

India, which has a long and meandering coastline stretching 7,500 kms, expects its ports – 13 major ports and around 200 non-major ones spread across the nine maritime states that dot its western and eastern corridors – to demonstrate efficiencies to sustain the demands of its growing international trade. About 95% by volume and 70% by value of the country’s international trade is carried on through maritime transport. Over the past decade, Indian ports have seen a sharp surge in traffic, which grew four-fold to 9.7 million TEU (One TEU represents the cargo capacity of a standard intermodal container, 20 feet long and 8 feet wide or 6.1 m long and 2.44 m wide) in 2011, from 2.4 million TEU in 2001 – a staggering growth of 395%.

Unfortunately, India’s ports are ill-equipped to meet this surge in traffic demand as they have not been able to significantly ramp up their capacity and efficiency. Several port projects in the PPP as well as private mode are facing delays on account of regulatory approvals. Take, for instance, projects such the mega container terminal of Chennai, 4th container terminal of JNPT, Vizhinjam port project of Kerala, Rewas port of Maharashtra and the offshore container terminal of Mumbai port, all of which have been delayed. Delays in getting the security clearance, complicated bidding process, poor response of developers and legal issues are the major factors holding up these projects.

Among the PPP port projects that have been hit worst by delays include the construction of six riverine jetties at Kolkata port with 4.5 million tonnes capacity worth Rs.3 billion. Besides, at the Paradip port Trust, construction of the new coal terminal is still in limbo due to want of certain clearances. Some of the other projects awaiting security clearance include conversion of berth No. 8 as Container Terminal at V. O. Chidambaranar (Tuticorin) port. Private players in infrastructure like the Adanis and Punj Lloyd have been denied security clearance for the coal import terminal at the government-controlled Mormugao port in Goa. Similarly, Lanco Infratech has been denied permission for developing a container terminal project for cargo berth facility at Tuticorin port.

As a result of these project delays and unwillingness on the part of the government to award private players port development projects, India has not been able to achieve the target of its capacity expansion. According to the Planning Commission, the capacity of Indian ports will have to nearly double to 2,302 million tonnes (MT) over the next four years to be able to handle the fast growing cargo traffic. The total capacity of the port sector is envisaged to be 2,301.63 MT, to meet the overall projected traffic of 1,758.26 MT by 2016-17, as per the 12th Five Year Plan (2012-17) document. The Planning Commission estimates that cargo traffic by the end of the 12th Plan would be 943.06 MT and 815.20 MT for the major and non-major ports respectively, with corresponding port capacities of 1,241.83 MT and 1,059.80 MT respectively. In light of the fact that our port-handling capacity is way short when compared to the throughput of major ports globally, the Planning Commission has set a target of expanding the annual capacity of major ports to 1229.24 MT by the end of March 2017.

However, till date, no Indian port is capable of handling large container vessels. Most international cargoes are off-loaded at Colombo or nearby ports and then transported to India in bits and pieces. This incapability robs Rs.10 billion from traders. Worse, the turnaround time for ships entering our ports is inordinately high, aggregating 4.67 days and leading to high levels of congestion. The high turnaround time at our ports also leads to pre-berthing delays for ships, which can vary from 2 hours to 40 hours, depending on the port and cargo with the overall average for FY12 being 11 hours.

Addressing concerns related to turnaround and pre-berthing time calls for urgently ramping up our port infrastructure. Already, the dilatoriness in resolving such issues is beginning to impact our cargo trade adversely. Traffic at Indian ports grew by just 2% in 2011-12 (a sharp contrast from 9.2% CAGR recorded during 2005-06 to 2010-11), points out Prof. Sham Choughule, Visiting Faculty, Mumbai University and Member, Port and Logistics Committee of Maharashtra Chambers of Commerce & Industry. Clearly, innovative solutions are needed to stem the tide of declining port traffic. L. Radhakrishnan, Chairman, Jawaharlal Nehru Port Trust, suggest that alternative means of transport such as coastal shipping and inland water transportation should be promoted inviting PPP along with larger viability gap funding by the Government. He also warns about how the tariff guidelines of TAMP (Tariff Authority for Major Ports) are harming private initiative. “The tariff cuts enforced on private terminal operators by TAMP are not benefitting exporters/ importers but are actually getting passed on to international shipping lines.” He suggests that this anomaly needs to be corrected since no authority similar to TAMP exists anywhere else in the world.

To boost capacity augmentation of our existing ports and develop newer ones to meet the demands of growing trade, the Indian government has come out with an action plan spanning ten years. The Maritime Agenda 2010-2020 envisages an investment of Rs.1,650 billion in the port and shipping sector by 2020, of which the majority will be from private investors. The Ministry of Shipping also proposes to build an overall port capacity of 3200 MT by 2020 to cater to the projected traffic demand. This near tripling of capacity in less than a decade’s time is proposed to be achieved by undertaking upgradation of existing ports and development of new major ports.

Read more.......

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri

and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles

2012 : DNA National B-School Survey 2012
Ranked 1st in International Exposure (ahead of all the IIMs)
Ranked 6th Overall
Zee Business Best B-School Survey 2012
Prof. Arindam Chaudhuri’s Session at IMA Indore
IIPM IN FINANCIAL TIMES, UK. FEATURE OF THE WEEK
IIPM strong hold on Placement : 10000 Students Placed in last 5 year

BBA Management Education

Beyond Matryoshkas & Marshrutkas

With its fabulous museums, rich cultural life, breathtaking architecture and history in every nook and corner, Moscow, beyond doubt, will remain forever etched in your heart. By Saurabh Kumar Shahi

Sheer mention of the word Moscow evokes myriad of imagery among the Indians of all age group. For the people in their mid-50s and beyond, Moscow evokes the best of Soviet Union days. A mishmash of culture, literature, politics—both cladestine and otherwise—heritage and much more. For children, Matryoshka Dolls and Nikulin Circus evokes pleasant memories. But then, there is a sudden blackout. As USSR disintegrated in the early 90s and India started looking for greener pastures, the affect was seen widely. The flights between Indian cities and Moscow dwindled as their national carrier, Aeroflot, started making news for the wrong reasons. Lured by the post-Cold war Europe and further West, tourists started looking for more options. Amidst all these, Moscow started slipping from the radar. A decade or so later, it remained a shadow of its former self.

However, as it is said that one bounces back after hitting the rock bottom; the same stood true for Moscow as well. The over exposure of Western cities, the desire to explore what is near and the plain nostalgia has put Moscow back on the travel map. Meanwhile the city has added so much to its profile that a fresh look has become necessary.   

Basics first. If there is one carrier that has completely reinvented itself in the last few years, it is Aeroflot. Gone are the days of rickety planes, soggy food and torn carpets. Aeroflot now boasts of one of the youngest fleets of aircrafts in the world served by Boeing, Airbus and indigenous Antanov and Ilyushin. It has direct connections to almost all the big metropolises in India and has a sector leading luggage allowance.

Moscow, because of its sheer size and importance, is served by as many as four international airports. However, without exception, if you are not planning to take your private jet or sneak inside a commercial jet, you are most likely to use either Sheremetyevo or Domodedovo International Airports. The flights from India lands at the former, which is new and splendidly equipped.

AeroExpress serves the connection between airport and Belorussky Railway Terminal in the city centre that are half an hour apart. This is the cheapest and the easiest way to reach Moscow downtown. You can take taxi too but it is costly and will take much longer time amidst traffic snarls especially during peak hours.

Going around in Moscow is a breeze. The city boasts of one of the most efficient and widespread metro networks in the world. The lines are laid out in such a way that one can see the entire city without being away from the metro station anywhere. There are cards for multiple trips and transfers are free. Stations, as well as the city, have destinations and roads written in both Cyrillic as well as Roman scripts, and maps are readily available.

Muscovite are interesting people. While at the first look they might appear as reserved, the people are actually very forthcoming and any request for assistance of any kind is enthusiastically accepted. The younger lot is more expected to know English than the older people.

Moscow is a huge city and is widely spread with attractions dotted all over the map. Therefore sightseeing needs a bit of planning and commonsense. Unless you are stopping there for, say, at least a week, it is advisable to make a priority list of attractions so that you fully enjoy them by spending time which they demand. While there are many tour operators who have customized itinerary to help you out, the more daring ones can go independently relishing the city.

The first place to start is of course Red Square. Right in the heart of the city, Red Square is city's biggest and the most important city square. Known for stunning parades during (and after) Soviet Union days, the place attracts lots of tourists any time of the day. Apart from the square itself, the place also has the iconic St. Basil Cathedral at one of its corners towards the Moskva river.

Cathedral's stunning onion-shaped domes have become a sort of establishing shot for the city and one needs to spend some time to fully enjoy its architecture from both inside and outside.

Right in the middle of the square, overlooking the long brick walls of Kremlin is the mausoleum of Vladimir Lenin, where his body is preserved. A visit is a must for everyone enthusiasm in history or a lack of it notwithstanding. At the opposite end of the Cathedral is the State History Museum.  The museum has a treasure trove of centuries of artifacts that will steal your breath. You also has an option to have your photos clicked wearing a Czar or Cossack dress.

The Kremlin, the seat of Russian executive, is another must. Situated at a walking distance from the square, the place itself needs a full day to fully appreciate. Particularly interesting is the antique weapons and gems collection in the Armory. One also has an opportunity to visit several beautiful churches that dot the landscape. There are ballet shows to catch as well. One can also spend time by just sitting in one of its numerous gardens and witnessing the time fly by. Another place to spend some quality time is the nearby Old and New Arbat streets. There are numerous eateries and cafes where one can spend time.    
       
Moscow is the city of museums and galleries. While it is impossible to visit all of them, one can pick some of the most important ones such as Pushkin Museum and Park Pobedy. Pushkin Museum and its annexe is dedicated to western art and has arguably one of the world's best Impressionist and Post-Impressionist collections. Park Pobedy or Victory Park is dedicated to World War II and has impressive collection from the era. This museum also boasts of some of the world's best Diorama by some of the best masters in the craft.

If you want to relax and spend sometime with your loved ones, Gorky Park is Moscow's trendiest place to be. Dotted with cafes, open air theatres, cinema halls, theme rides and what not, the park is a must visit if you have children accompanying you. Bibliophiles on the other hand will give their right hand to visit Moscow State Library and take a look from inside. At the end, you wont be able to decide whether the impressive collection of books or the intimidating architecture that left you stunned.

Of the cathedrals, Christ the Savior Cathedral and Novodevichy Convent are the most important one. The former was detonated during the Communist era, but following the collapse of USSR, it was re-erected exactly on the old design. It is on the banks of Moskva river so one can see the panoramic view of Kremlin from here.

Novodevichy Convent on the other hand was tolerated even during Stalin years and hence survived. Taking a stroll inside the convent is heavily recommended, but even more recommended is the adjoining cemetery. Apart from the Kremlin necropolis, this is probably the most famous cemetery in the world if one considers the profile of those buried. From comedian Nikulin to author Gogol, from Chekhov to Ilyushin, from Nikita Khrushchev to Boris Yeltsin; the cemetery is full of people who were not only respected in Russia but all over the world.

Read more....

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri

and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles

2012 : DNA National B-School Survey 2012
Ranked 1st in International Exposure (ahead of all the IIMs)
Ranked 6th Overall
Zee Business Best B-School Survey 2012
Prof. Arindam Chaudhuri’s Session at IMA Indore
IIPM IN FINANCIAL TIMES, UK. FEATURE OF THE WEEK
IIPM strong hold on Placement : 10000 Students Placed in last 5 year

BBA Management Education

1951 & 1986:The Blunder Years

How the inherently secular Nehru and Rajiv Gandhi succumbed to regressive forces. And India still pays the price, says Sutanu Guru

Every which way you look, the curse of identity politics and victim-hood is becoming even more rampant and poisonous in 21st century India. Literacy keeps growing, as does intolerance and prejudice towards other identities. The more we are integrating with the world, the more insular we seem to be becoming. The more we see of social and economic mobility, the more we see regressive behaviour based on faith and identity rather than reason and common sense. Says Naved Hameed, General Secretary, Movement for Empowerment of Muslims, “To be honest, communalism never ended in this country, though there is no doubt that there has been a lot of talk to end communalism at various levels. The Indian society and system is totally biased against Muslims and Dalits in particular”. For all you know, there might be an organisation called Movement for Empowerment of Hindus and its General Secretary will be as candid as Hamid. The only difference will be that he will say that Hindus are discriminated against in their own country because of vote bank politics.

How did things come to such a sorry pass in India? How did secularism become an empty slogan and a term that everybody twists to score ideological points? Quite obviously, the principal blame lies with prejudiced Hindus and Muslims who seem to value faith more than national identity and pride. It is people like Akbaruddin Owaisi and Praveen Togadia who are responsible for spreading prejudice and hatred. But that is stating the obvious. The question to ask is: what caused people like Owaisi and Togadia to rise in prominence after India became an independent country?

If you ignore pop analysis of the instant kind and do some serious historical soul searching, the past does provide some clues for the fragmented identity polity of contemporary times. You could even call it counter history since some icons appear in the firing line. In India, it is very hazardous now to point fingers at icons. Libraries are burnt down if there is even academic analysis of the great Shivaji. Dalits activists throw shoes and more at people who criticise BR Ambedkar.

People take to the streets and indulge in violence if someone targets the Dravidian icon Anna. Fawning Congressmen react angrily and aggressively if there is any criticism of the Nehru-Gandhi family. The list is now becoming longer and longer. And yet the behaviour of some icons do need to be examined and some deeply held beliefs must be reexamined if we are serious about the reasons behind the rise and rise of malevolent identity politics.

The headline of this feature talks about 1951 and 1986 to be the blunder years. It is events and decisions during these two years that have played a very large role in not only encouraging identity politics, but also creating communal divides. This historical blotch is sad enough. Even more sad is the fact that the blunders were committed by leaders who were enormously popular and virtually unchallenged in their sway over popular sentiments when they took the fateful decisions. We are talking about Jawaharlal Nehru in 1951 and his grandson Rajiv Gandhi in 1986.

Readers with even rudimentary knowledge of history will know that soon after independence, a Constituent Assembly was created to create a new Constitution of India. Even as the Assembly debated and argued over the future of India, Jawaharlal Nehru as prime minister coped as well as he could in leading a country ravaged by partition and communal bloodbath. History buffs will also know that Nehru, though immensely popular, was not unchallenged. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel was an equally towering leader and not always in agreement with Nehru's world view and ideology. In 1950, Patel died and Nehru was, in a manner of speaking, the undisputed king. Meanwhile, the Constitution had been drafted and one of the lofty promises made in that document was to have a Uniform Civil Code for all citizens. Dr BR Ambedkar was the Union Law Minister and was aggressively pushing for that. Apprehensive that Muslims might feel insecure and think that their religious identity was being threatened, Nehru and a reluctant Ambedkar decided to first pass a modern civil code for the Hindu community. Quite obviously, right wing Hindu groups were violently opposed to the idea. It was also an open secret that India's first President Dr Rajendra Prasad was not very excited about the idea. He did write to Nehru expressing his unhappiness with the proposed civil code for Hindus.

Let's quote a few lines from India After Gandhi written by Ramchandra Guha, believed by many to be a definitive history of post Independence India: “Nehru chose not to challenge the President. In any case, the progress of the bill in the Provisional Parliament had been painfully slow...In the end, the session ended, the bill was virtually talked out and it lapsed. The man who was most hurt by this was the Law Minister Dr Ambedkar who had staked his reputation on the bill, meeting criticism and calumny with equal resolution. That Nehru had finally chosen to give in to the opposition pained him deeply. In October, 1951, he resigned from the Union Cabinet”.

Do remember, India was yet to conduct its first Lok Sabha elections that happened in 1952. As mentioned earlier, Nehru had virtually unquestioned authority as well as popularity. There are many who feel that it was only Nehru who had the stature and hold over public opinion to pass not just a civil code for Hindus, but a uniform civil code for the entire country as committed by the Constitution. Many scholars and analysts think that this one decision taken by Nehru, though hardly ever talked about, had repercussions whose effects are still being felt.

“The driving force behind Baba Saheb's insistence on passing the Hindu Code Bill was emancipation of women. But the Caste Hindus, including women, who deemed this move as an endeavour to attack the sanctity of Hinduism opposed this radical bill. In his robust defense to this Bill, Dr Ambedkar maintained that the ideals enshrined in it were derived from the Constitution of India, which is founded on liberty, equality and fraternity. Dr Ambedkar was so fed up with the opposition that he left Nehru's cabinet. He said, “It (the Hindu Code Bill) was killed and buried, unwept and unsung”. Dr Ambedkar's influence on women is still overt particularly in the Maharashtrian Buddhist women, who are not only empowered but frequently take apart the mainstream Feminist movement as the Brahmin Women Movement. “The repercussions of that failure still resonates,” says Ratnesh Katulkar who is an Ambedkarite activist and scholar at Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar National Institute of Social Sciences.

Read more.....

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri

and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles

2012 : DNA National B-School Survey 2012
Ranked 1st in International Exposure (ahead of all the IIMs)
Ranked 6th Overall
Zee Business Best B-School Survey 2012
Prof. Arindam Chaudhuri’s Session at IMA Indore
IIPM IN FINANCIAL TIMES, UK. FEATURE OF THE WEEK
IIPM strong hold on Placement : 10000 Students Placed in last 5 year

BBA Management Education

Wah Astad!

A virtuoso dancer-choreographer, Tagore’s timeless poetry and a group of multi-talented boys come together to create magic with a blend of modern dance, puppetry and music, writes saibal chatterjee

The nature and scope of contemporary dancer and choreographer Astad Deboo’s work are such that resting on is oars is never an option for him. Constant, rhythmic and perfectly orchestrated movement, both creative and physical, is an integral part of his life and art. And it invariably assumes hypnotic proportions when he weaves it into a top-notch stage performance.


It did just that and more on the evening of February 11 in a packed Kamani Auditorium in New Delhi as the 65-year-old virtuoso, in the company of eight one-time street children that he has been working with for close to five years, interpreted four poems/songs of Rabindranath Tagore.

Although the 80-minute performance was woven around only four of Tagore’s poems, the sheer range of Deboo's choreography was absolutely stunning.

From the Yogic stillness of the opening piece (Surrender) – staged with three of the boys – to the mesmeric blend of Kathak chakkars and dervish-like whirling in the final solo act (Awakening), Interpreting Tagore was an experience that allowed the audience to come face to face with an array of moods created through a blend of music, light, sound and, of course, dance.    
  
Deboo and Tagore go back a long way. It was in 1995 that the internationally celebrated choreographer first worked with Gurudev’s poems in a solo performance in Kolkata. In the programme note on Interpreting Tagore, the dancer writes: “I zeroed in on three poems – Akla Chalo, Your Grace, and Every Fragment of Dust is Awakened. When I read them, I was deeply touched. For me, they were resonant of my own struggles with the forces of traditionalism and the resistance to new ideas of a stone-hard bureaucracy.”

Deboo’s new Tagore work is an expansion of the earlier performance, with a fourth poem, Surrender, added to the repertoire. Interpreting Tagore was conceived as a tribute to the poet on his 150th birth anniversary and premiered at the National Centre for the Performing Arts (NCPA), Mumbai in November 2011. It has since been staged in many other cities, including once before in Delhi. “The earlier performance in Delhi was for a limited audience,” says Deboo. “This is the first public show of Interpreting Tagore in the city.”

“When a 150th anniversary tribute to Tagore was suggested to me, I decided to revisit the earlier work, expand its scope, and bring these young performers into the act,” says Deboo.

While the veteran dancer is an acknowledged master of his art, the boys have brought an amazingly spontaneous level of energy and verve to the performance.

The two centrepieces of Interpreting Tagore are each remarkable in their own way. Your Grace is enlivened by the use of striking masks and larger-than-life puppets. Walking Tall, a translation of Akla Chalo, is a dramatic rendition of the iconic anthem of stoic defiance.

“Some of these young performers know how to operate puppets, so I incorporated these giant figures into Your Grace, which is about Goddess Kali. The poem gave me the scope to bring in a whole ritualistic act – the young boys and I, as devotees, offering our sorrows to the Devi because that is all that we have,” explains Deboo.

Walking Tall, the legendary choreographer points out, is “semi-autobiographical”. He says: “It is my dig at the Indian classical dance mafia, the cultural bureaucracy and corporate sponsors. In spite of these people, who have constantly been a hindrance, I continue to do my work on my own terms. I continue to walk tall.”

Echoing Deboo’s experiences while seeking sponsorships to fund his projects, Walking Tall depicts dancers and corporate executives negotiating with each other and ordinary artistes earning the latter’s support while the genuinely creative dancer is shooed away disdainfully. Deboo informs the piece with a mix of anguish, anger and humour. 

The Tagore poems, translated by Delhi academician Aruna Chakravarty, are read prior to every piece by veteran film and theatre actor Akash Khurana. “These poems,” says the thespian, “are so deeply felt, profound and lyrical. They contain echoes that can touch every life.”

Deboo seamlessly moves from the personal to the universal and from the here and now to the metaphysical in his interpretation, an act supported by an array of eclectic musical pieces drawn from diverse sources. Among the musicians whose work the choreographer uses in these performances are Italian composer Frederico Senesie, singer Amelia Coni, Finnish pianist Iiro Rantala and Japanese composer Yoichiro Yoshikawa.

Deboo is especially proud of the eight former boys of Salaam Baalak Trust (SBT) who are now a part of the Astad Deboo Dance Company, having earned their spurs through years of intensive training with the master. “This group of boys is quite unbelievable,” he says. “My group in Manipur is very good too, but these boys are something else. They have raised the bar to a point that makes working with them a challenge.”

The youngest in the group is 18-year-old Rohit Kumar, while the oldest is the 28-year-old Mohammed Shamsul. “The latter is getting married tomorrow,” reveals Deboo. “As the foster-father I will have to be there at the wedding.”

The young performers have come a long way since they first met Deboo in 2008. At that point, they were a group of 14 raw youngsters, including four girls. After six months of rigorous training, they were ready to perform alongside Deboo – the result was a series of shows of a six-piece routine titled Breaking Boundaries. It was designed specifically to serve as a showcase for the street children out to claim their place in the world.

The group, which has now been pared down to eight, embraces multiple talents – puppetry, graphic design and animation, among other skills. Two of the boys, Shamsul and Avinash Kumar – Deboo describes them as “my left and right eyes” – are assistant choreographers. “They ensure that the rehearsals happen without let and the dancers stay in touch during the long breaks between one performance and the next,” says Deboo.

Read more.....

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri

and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles

IIPM’s Management Consulting Arm-Planman Consulting
Professor Arindam Chaudhuri – A Man For The Society….
IIPM: Indian Institute of Planning and Management
IIPM makes business education truly global
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri
Rajita Chaudhuri-The New Age Woman

ExecutiveMBA

Ad hoc raj

India's border roads are in a shambles in contrast to China's aggressive infrastructural engagement on the eastern front, reports Mayank Singh

The key to sound military infrastructure are roads and if for some reason, or a couple of reasons, they become a low-priority subject for defence planners, then the basic movement of troops is likely to be affected when they are required the most. Bad or non-motorable roads, as the 1962 China debacle revealed, failed to facilitate faster troop movement, equipment mobilisation and deployment in the forward areas of the then North Eastern Frontier Agency (NEFA).

Five decades down the line, the same handicaps dominate the same topography – India’s eastern border against China's military might. Even as China has assiduously built military infrastructure along the 4,056-km Line of Actual Control (LoAC) in the three sectors – Ladakh, Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh and Sikkim/Arunachal sectors – the Border Roads Organisation (BRO), the country’s premier defence road construction agency  is in shambles, thanks to red tape, infighting and political apathy.

The paralysis in BRO is viewed gravely by defence analysts and military experts who have raised the spectre of low-level border infrastructure coming in the way of the country’s defences. Experts paint a sordid picture: there is high level of frustration and discontent in BRO as projects have been delayed and costs overrun are the rule, rather than exception. Insiders say the future of 72 strategic roads in critical border areas hang in balance and construction work has slowed down.

The BRO is split into 18 projects, each headed by a Chief Engineer or a Brigadier-level officer from the army.  Of them, General Reserve Engineering Force (GREF) officers head only five – the rest is with the army.  So in terms of experience and technical qualifications, both GREF and the army stand as equals – at least in theory.

Problems begin right at the top. Nearly 52 years after it was set up, no recruitment rules for the post of the Director General Border Roads (DGBR) has been made. Former DGs of the BRO, most of them army officers, accept that there is no restriction on a civilian heading the organisation. The delay in appointing heads then would seem inexplicable.

In such circumstances, operations are a major casualty. There is acute shortage of officers at the levels of Assistant Executive Engineers and Executive Engineers which are dominated by serving officers from the army. The AV Singh Committee, set up by the Ministry of Defence in 2008, was designed to improve career mobility by bringing down the age profile of commanding officers and improve professional prospects. But a cursory look at the sanctioned strength and the number of personnel posted in BRO would reveal scarcity at operational posts.

Significantly, an Indian Army grappling with its own problem of scarcity of officers, has kept the posts pending.


The BRO is a combined civil-military project. Its authorised strength comes from army, the salary is paid for from the budget of the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (MoRTH) and the DG BRO, for instance, figures on the official list of MoRTH and is the main interface between the BRO and other ministries.

When it came to hiking salaries during the Sixth Pay Commission, armed forces had justifiably put up their case strongly. But when it came to GREF, there were double standards. Their request to have one of its officials to represent their point of view was conveniently overlooked.

There are other issues like Separated Family Accommodation (SFA) and allowances. Army officers posted in remote and tough conditions are given SFAs along with various allowances, but GREF officers in similar situations have to make do with their own arrangements. Experts say there have to be ways and means to evolve a mechanism so that there is a sense of parity in the difficult job at hand. For instance, the high mortality rate of the BRO personnel is a clear indication of the hazards they face. (See box)

Read more.....

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri

and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles

2012 : DNA National B-School Survey 2012
Ranked 1st in International Exposure (ahead of all the IIMs)
Ranked 6th Overall
Zee Business Best B-School Survey 2012
Prof. Arindam Chaudhuri’s Session at IMA Indore
IIPM IN FINANCIAL TIMES, UK. FEATURE OF THE WEEK
IIPM strong hold on Placement : 10000 Students Placed in last 5 year

BBA Management Education

Spot on prediction

On May 31, 2009, TSI carried an in-depth cover story on how dynastic politics would hold no more water in India and that it cannot be associated only with the Congress party and that there are numerous political families in India from Kashmir to Kanyakumari. The story dug deep into India’s history and how Indira Gandhi donned the role of the Prime Minister following the death of Lal Bahadur Shastri, which happened to be the starting point of the dynasty debate. However, this phenomenon is not restricted within the Indian boundaries with the Bush and Kennedy families having already made a similar mark in America. The trend has surpassed the political field and has spread its wings in business, films and cricketing world as well. The magazine compiled and revealed a list of over 150 Lok Sabha members who belonged to some dynasty – big or small. Even as TSI did this story, the charisma of the crown prince Rahul Gandhi was diminishing. Given the lack of influence Rahul Gandhi has had on the voters, TSI was spot on in its prediction.

Read more.....

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri

and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles

IIPM’s Management Consulting Arm-Planman Consulting
Professor Arindam Chaudhuri – A Man For The Society….
IIPM: Indian Institute of Planning and Management
IIPM makes business education truly global
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri
Rajita Chaudhuri-The New Age Woman

India's other Shame: Missing Children

More than 60,000 kids disappear every year in the country, most never to be recovered. Anil Pandey chronicles this saga of police and media apathy.

Bittu is 14 years old and clings to his mother Sheila Devi for dear life. No matter how hard we try, it is difficult to make this reticent teenager talk. Hesitantly, with fear haunting his eyes, Bittu tells his story that started near his house in Sangam Vihar, Delhi about five years ago. Then about nine years old, Bittu was playing near his house when someone offered him a laddoo. The next thing he remembers is being mercilessly beaten and forced to clean utensils for a traveling theatre group. Once, his abductors branded a symbol of the deity Ganesha on his arm. Another time, he was so badly beaten that he lost an eye. Bittu says there were more than 50 kids like him who were working like slaves for the group.

Ever since he disappeared in 2008, his parents Sheila and Arvind, who originally belong to Bihar and are daily wage workers in Delhi, kept pleading with the police to help them find their missing son. After much pleading, an FIR was registered and that was that. As far as the cops were concerned, Bittu was just one of seven kids who disappear every day in Delhi. As far as the media was concerned, Bittu and his parents were too poor to waste their anger on. But Bittu was lucky. When he was in a train somewhere near Varanasi in October, 2012, Bittu escaped and managed to reach his village in Bihar. His parents brought him back to Delhi on November 12. Since then, a traumatised and brutalised Bittu is scared to step out of his house and clings to his mother. Of course, the cops have never bothered even once in the last five years to help the family. Says Shiela Devi, “The police has not come to visit us, or even call us for investigating the matter. If they had, maybe my son would have been rescued earlier.”

After the brutal gang-rape and murder of the 23 year old student recently in Delhi, the media and the chattering classes are loudly talking about how women in India, particularly Delhi are very unsafe. There are debates on castration and death penalty for rapists and severe punishments for crimes against women. In all this, we have unfortunately soft pedaled another equally important issue: the shocking number of young children who go missing every year in India, never to be recovered. A study conducted between 2008 and 2010 by Bachpan Bachao Andolan reveals that about 1,20,000 children went missing, an average of 60,000 a year. One out of every four child who went missing remains untracked even years after their absence was reported.

This correspondent chased this story way back in 2008 when nobody seemed bothered about this horrifying and shameful reality of Delhi and of Indian society. The story was indeed praised by some, but most sniggered at the decision of the editorial team to put this out as a cover story. While pursuing this story in 2008, this correspondent had met about two dozen families whose children had gone missing. In almost all cases, it was a familiar tale of police apathy, arrogance and cussedness. “A police officer asked for a bribe of Rs 3,000 to register an FIR and get a missing child ad printed in newspapers from me,” says Azhar, a resident of Jahangirpuri, C Block whose daughter Atika has been missing for more than five years. In almost all cases, the cops simply refused to register an FIR. In any case, the entire media was so engrossed with the murder of the upper middle class girl Arushi Talwar that nobody seemed to have any time for the missing children of the slum dwellers of Delhi.

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Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri

and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).

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