Thursday, September 19, 2013

Sons rise in the east

Tejaswi and Chirag plan to make impressive political debuts in 2014 and take their fathers’ political mantle ahead. Sanjay Upadhya reports

They are young, stylish and trendy and could hardly be described as icons of backward politics which their fathers espoused with such fervor. Tejaswi Yadav and Chirag Paswan, sons of Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) strongman Laloo Yadav and Dalit leader Ram Vilas Paswan respectively, are here to stay and carry the political baton ahead in Bihar.

With their fathers’ career not particularly on the upswing, it is but natural in the Indian scheme of things that children take over. In the recent past, both have made their presence felt in the political corridors of power launching scathing attacks on Chief Minister Nitish Kumar for his ‘misrule’.

Both of them have many things in common – apart from political lineage. One was a budding cricketer, the other a wannabe film star, their innings nipped early in the bud. On their fathers’ invaluable political advice, they have so far kept away from day to day politics, preferring to keep ‘social mission’ as their motto – as of now.

At the recent Parivartan rally in Patna’s historic Gandhi Maidan, Tejaswi thundered like a trained politician, aiming his guns at his father’s bĂȘte noir Nitish Kumar.  Young, energetic and soft spoken, Tejaswi represented Jharkhand in Ranji Trophy and was part of Delhi Daredevils in IPL.

He is set for another innings,now that cricket has not paid adequate dividends and what better than to take daddy’s mantle ahead? Blue-eyed Chirag Paswan, who had a small role in eminently forgettable ‘Mile Na Miley Hum’, realized that the film industry was the prerogative of Kapoors and Khans. So? Next stop politics of course.

A Paswan aide confesses that Chirag is being trained for building bridges with the Congress and Rahul Gandhi. “I won’t say I and Rahul Gandhi are best friends, but we have grown up together and our families are very close so I did not have to convince Rahul to watch my maiden film,’’ Chirag said during a recent election campaign. He had earlier told TSI: “my heart beats for films and politics is in my blood.’’ It is common these days to see giant cuts outs of Chirag posing with dad Ram Vilas, all in style mind you. At the main gate of the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), a smiling portrait of Chirag welcomes all with folded hands. Like Tejaswi, Chirag’s attacks on ‘uncle’ Nitish are polite and non-inflammatory, away from the rough and tumble of Bihar politics.

Sensing change in the political air – with the Maharajgunj Lok Sabha bye-elections victory and the JD (U)-BJP split as the background – Laloo Yadav is set to provide 40 per cent tickets to youth. Party insiders say it has already been decided that the command of the youth brigade would be given to Tejaswi.

When Yadav Jr. is in town, he is busy preparing his list of youth volunteers. He is a regular visitor to the RJD office encircled with friends. He takes keen interest in party affairs without being overbearing and is reverential towards the party’s senior leaders.

Father Laloo Yadav is playing a vital role in Tejaswi’s baptism. In 2010, he formally introduced his cricketer-son in politics. “Look at Tejaswi, he is going to do wonders in politics. He is good orator,’’ a beaming father had told a press conference. During the 2010 assembly elections, Tejaswi addressed many political meetings but despite his presence in Raghopur, mother Rabri Devi could not win.

However, the induction of the two siblings has raised the specter of dynastic politics, a cause which had propelled their fathers to political super stardom in the salad days of the JP agitation back in the 1970s.

JD(U) and BJP leaders allege that RJD's Parivartan rally was aimed at handing over the baton – an extension of Laloo’s move to install wife Rabri Devi as chief minister in the bad old days of the fodder scam. Post-fodder, Laloo build his bridges with the Gandhi-Nehru family, since everything is deemed ‘fair’ in politics.

That has not enthused other members of the Laloo Yadav clan. His brothers-in-law Sadhu and Subhash, both power centres in the days of RJD rule, are particularly miffed. “Jijaji ab satta mein kabhi nahi aayenge,’’ (brother-in-law Laloo will not never come to power) predicts former MP Sadhu Yadav.

Laloo, who had once described both Sadhu and Subhash as his energy tonic, is now keen to give them the short shrift. One insider says both the salas (brother-in-laws) are not allowed entry into the Laloo Yadav household.
However, the canny RJD strongman had given enough indications that “all my children have careers in politics ahead of them.’’ The time to blood one of them has arrived with the 2014 General Elections on the horizon.

Now, with the advent of Tejaswi, it is clear that the party’s youth wing is going to be headed by him. RJD has already announced that 40 percent of party tickets will be distributed to young leaders. Clearly, the 2014 elections will be the right occasion to keep dynastic politics going ahead in good stead.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
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Monday, September 09, 2013

Living and the dead

The mysterious death of Khalid Mujahid in UP is a template for all that is wrong in the war against terror.Puja Awasthi reports
In death, Khalid Mujahid has a voice louder than the living. A voice, spoken in many tongues, that is threatening to shout down the Samajwadi Party government which finds itself in a bind over his custodial death. In the state which tops the ignoble list of such deaths, the tragedy of Mujahid (see box), a madarsa teacher from Jaunpur, 250 kilometre from the state’s capital Lucknow, is not just another statistic but a template for all that is wrong in the war against terror.

The FIR filed by Mujahid’s uncle Zaheer Alam Falahi names two former DGPs- Brij Lal and Vikram Singh (in addition to Manoj Kumar Jha,Chiranjeev Nath Sinha and S Anand) and the Intelligence Bureau as accused in a conspiracy to kill Mujahid. Vikram Singh who was the state’s DGP in 2007, stands by the arrests. “We broke the back of the terrorists. UP has been quiet ever since. We are on a high moral and legal ground”, he says.

Yet human rights organisations believe that if the case were to be investigated impartially, a proverbial can of worms would open. By logical extension, all the arrests that happened only on ‘leads’ provided by Mujahid and Tariq Qazmi would also be under a scanner, as would police claims of successfully working out terror cases.

Rajeev Yadav, spokesperson of the Rihai Manch-a forum for the release of Muslims jailed on terror charges says,“This is not an investigation into one case. It raises policy questions- why is the Intelligence Bureau doing what it is? Under what pressures is it working?”

Outwardly the government shows no signs of being perturbed. But the overtures are telling—an offer of security to Mohd Shoaib and Randhir Singh Suman (respective lawyers for Qazmi and Mujahid) and Rajeev Yadav, and a compensation for Mujahid’s family. The security cover was refused and the compensation turned down. The latter is also being challenged by a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) which argues that since Mujahid is still a terrorist in the government’s records, his family must deserve what comes its way. “These are just ploys to silence us”, says Shoaib. The government’s measures have come in fits, as it seems desperate to be seen doing something, doing anything for an important vote bank. While there is no word from the CBI on the inquiry, a committee of the Home Secretary and the ADG Power Corporation is also probing the incident as is the chief judicial magistrate of Faizabad.

Yet suspicions keep growing. “The government’s intentions were always doubtful. The half measures for Khalid's release ensured that he became a threat to the police. He would have been a prime witness in investigations into his arrest. How could they have let him live?” asks Falahi. The ‘half measures’ he speaks of, include the holding back of the Nimesh Commission report. That report is a key document in shedding light on the role of the police in the arrests. As half substantiated leaks flow out, Mujahid has acquired the tag ‘shaheed’ and a motley group of self servers are being drawn to it. Among them, Maulana Bukhari who has demanded that an independent agency, not the CBI, conduct the inquiry and an employment offer figure in the compensation package being offered to the family. Some emotion was also sought to be whipped by mentions of Mujahid’s deeply anguished widow who in fact does not exist. The BJP has piped in with a promise to side with the suspended police officials, not specifying what it would do, while another PIL has been filed to seek quashing of the suspensions as they had happened arbitrarily.

The only undisputed fact in this maze is that the fight against terror is flawed. Take the case of Walliulah Obaid Qazmi sentenced to 10 years in jail in 2009 for the Varanasi bomb blasts of 2006. Qazmi was convicted under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act but let off from the more serious charges of waging war against the state, criminal conspiracy and sedition. The debate on whether he got away lightly because of sloppy investigation or paid for a crime he did not commit, has not ceased. As such debates grow so does the possibility of political manipulations and public discontent.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
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